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The Oxford Amnesty Lectures 2007

This book examines the intersection between incarceration and human rights. It is about why independent inspection of places of custody is a necessary part of human rights protection, and how that independence is manifested and preserved in practice. Immigration and asylum policies ask crucial questions about national identity, about human rights, and about our values as compassionate citizens in an era of increasingly complex international challenges. The book deals with the future of prisons and shows how the vulnerable population has been unconscionably treated. To arrive at a proper diagnosis of the expansive use and abuse of the prison in the age of economic deregulation and social insecurity, it is imperative that we effect some analytic breaks with the gamut of established approaches to incarceration. The book explores the new realities of criminal confinement of persons with mental illness. It traces the efforts of New Right think-tanks, police chiefs and other policy entrepreneurs to export neoliberal penality to Europe, with England and Wales acting as an 'acclimatization chamber'. In a series of interventions, of which his Oxford Amnesty Lecture is but one, Loic Wacquant has in recent years developed an incisive and invaluable analysis of the rise and effects of what he calls the penal state.

Race and nation in twenty-first-century Britain

Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.

Loïc Wacquant

policing’. For, in their case, the adoption of policies of economic deregulation and social retrenchment amounts to a political betrayal of the working-class electorate that brought them to power in the hope of receiving stronger state protection against the sanctions and failings of the market. Thus the punitive turn taken by Lionel Jospin in France in the fall of 1997, like those negotiated by Anthony Blair in Britain, Felipe González in Spain, Massimo d’Alema in Italy, and Gerhard Schröder in Germany around the same years, after William Jefferson Clinton had plainly

in Incarceration and human rights
Abstract only
Tom Gallagher

criteria for membership talks getting underway being set aside. Later, when a government under Prime Minister Adrian Năstase began to return to past authoritarian ways, the EU failed M1762 - GALLAGHER TEXT.indd 8 8/5/09 11:44:56 Introduction 9 to react. It was impressed by the PSD’s purposeful approach to economic deregulation, overlooking the fact that this was a very convenient strategy for both the PSD and its economic constituencies. EU vigilance was eroded when Bucharest offered major investment opportunities on generous terms to top European firms which

in Romania and the European Union
Selling the Reagan revolution through the 1984 Olympic Games
Umberto Tulli

support of international sports events which took place in American territory.18 The Reagan administration was even less accommodating. Since the electoral campaign, President Reagan had promised to redefine the American economy, definitely abandoning the Keynesian model in favour of neoliberalism. Tax reduction, spending cuts, a hard-line monetary policy to fight inflation, and economic deregulation were not only incompatible with federal spending for the Olympic Games but they also provoked a terrible recession between 1981 and 1982, thus making it harder for the

in Sport and diplomacy
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Capitalising (on) ghosts in German postdramatic theatre
Barry Murnane

. Žižek sees the transnational processes of economic deregulation, restructuring of cultural politics, liberalisation of the media and commercialization following the collapse of the Iron Curtain with scepticism, highlighting an uncanny and troubling nature at the core of this expansion of western social order into the first so-called ‘emerging’ markets of Central and Eastern

in Neoliberal Gothic
The aporias and prospects of cosmopolitan visuality
Fuyuki Kurasawa

40 1 42111 a structuralist interpretation searches beyond the visual frame to expose the role of neo-liberalism in the crisis, particularly the fact that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has imposed structural adjustment programmes (more recently, under the guise of its so-called ‘poverty reduction and growth facility’ arrangements) and economic deregulation onto Niger for over a decade.13 The consequent, internationally mandated, export-oriented growth strategy prioritized sales of staple grain crops to richer neighbouring countries (notably Nigeria and

in Democracy in crisis
Natasha Feiner

attempted to balance work and rest across the duty cycle rather than limit single duty periods. But in practice, given the scope for variation and the extension of duty periods at the captain's discretion, it was still legally possible for operators to schedule imbalanced rosters. This became an increasing problem in the late 1970s, following economic deregulation and the increasing marketisation of civil aviation. 88 A number of new low-cost airlines entered the market in this period. Operating within often tight profit

in Balancing the self
Imogen Richards

was still recognised as permissible, given nepotistic social networks and institutional linkages between public and private actors in the US. Lobbyists were seen to contribute billions of dollars in donations to political parties who promised to implement neoliberal finance and trade policies, ensuring sustained economic deregulation and transfers of public wealth and services to private hands ( Panitch and Konings 2009 ). Despite the risks that led to the GFC, in 2010 the US Supreme Court rejected a motion from the Citizen’s United Group to restrict private

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
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The coming of the neo-liberal world
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

significance was boosted by the November 1980 election of Ronald Reagan as US President. Reagan, too, was an old-fashioned liberal. He ran, like Thatcher, on a platform which promised economic deregulation, dismantlement of federal bureaucracies, fewer taxes and more individual freedoms. His election campaign combined orthodox liberal doctrines with an optimistic patriotic fervour. It transformed the Republican Party. And it transformed American politics. Once installed as the fortieth President of the United States in January 1981, Reagan forged a solid ideological

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)