Slavery, the slave trade and economicgrowth:
a contribution to the debate
In April 1831 Alexander Baring, of Baring Brothers, claimed that slave emancipation threatened to destroy ‘all the capital now employed in that branch of commerce’.1 At that time Barings had £250,000 invested in mortgages on West Indian
estates, which amounted to half of its capital.2 In 1833 Baring Brothers lodged
claims to several thousand pounds of emancipation compensation. The Bank also
invested in slave-produced American cotton, which in that year represented a
Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
This book examines the debates and processes that have shaped the modernisation of Ireland since the beginning of the twentieth century. There are compelling justifications for methodological nationalism using research and analysis focused on the jurisdiction of a nation-state. The nation-state remains a necessary unit of analysis not least because it is a unit of taxation and representation, a legal and political jurisdiction, a site of bounded loyalties and of identity politics. The book argues that nationalism in twenty-first-century Ireland is even more powerful and socially embedded than it was in de Valera's Ireland. It considers what kind of Ireland Pearse wanted to bring about. Pearse proposed a model that was very different from the already dominant Catholic model that did much to incubate modern Ireland. Beyond this, Catholicism offered a distinct response to modernity aimed at competing with the two main secular ideologies: liberalism and socialism. Women have been marginalised in most of the debates that shaped Ireland even where they were directly affected by them. One of the most picked-over episodes in twentieth-century Irish history has been the conflict surrounding the Mother and Child Scheme. The book examines this conflict as a starting point of an analysis of the place of women in post-independence Ireland. It further addresses the rise and fall of the Celtic Tiger, the name given to a period of rapid economic growth that was likened to the performance of East Asian 'tiger' economies.
The saints' Lives in this book were written in Italy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Here translated into English and in full for the first time, they shed light on the ways in which both lay men and women sought God in the urban environment, and how they were understood and described by contemporaries. Only one of these saints (Homobonus of Cremona) was formally canonised by the Pope: the others were locally venerated within the communities which had nurtured them. Earliest in date were Homobonus of Cremona and Raimondo Palmario of Piacenza, near-contemporaries and inhabitants of neighbouring cities, who died in 1197 and 1200 respectively; the latest was Enrico ('Rigo') of Bolzano, who died in Treviso in 1315. This was a period of rapid demographic and economic growth in the Italian urban environment; it witnessed much social and political upheaval, accompanied by religious change. Miracle collections are important hagiographical genre for some saints. The miracles which Umiliana de' Cerchi did in the first three years after her death and her posthumous appearances to her devotees were separately recorded, constituting, together with the Life, a hagiographical dossier. Umiliana and Pier Pettinaio were associated with the Franciscans, while Homobonus and Raimondo Palmario lived and died before 'the coming of the friars'. The Lives of both Pier Pettinaio of Siena and Rigo of Bolzano were written some time after their deaths, apparently to satisfy local and community pietas. There is no cross-reference between the Lives of Zita of Lucca and Rigo of Bolzano and their extensive miracle collections.
expenditure and protecting competitive advantages in the development of technologies critical to
economicgrowth and security; from controlling the production and distribution of energy to
But the novelty of the new security strategy does not lie in any of these particular details,
variations of which have appeared repeatedly in other documents, in previous decades. Rather, it
can be found in various premises that inform the strategy and are presented as if they were
conventions of the American foreign-policy establishment, when in
highlighted the need for information on humanitarian situations to be available to practitioners and decision-makers in digestible, concise formats ( Darcy et al. , 2013 ). The authors also produced a practitioner resource, tailored to an intended audience of policymakers and humanitarian workers. 3
Sanctions have yet to achieve their stated goal of denuclearisation. 4 Studies have argued that while sanctions have limited the DPRK’s economicgrowth potential, they have not prohibited it ( Kong, 2018 ) and that state trading companies have
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond
, 2011 ). Such economic strategies of
empowerment have been identified as hallmarks of neoliberal development cloaked
under a feminist face ( Prügl,
2015 ; Roberts, 2015 ). An
assumption running through this discourse is that the offerings of vocational
trainings or work can lift women and their families out of poverty, reduce the costs
of refugee assistance while also contributing to economicgrowth ( Gregoratti et al. , 2018 ;
Oliver and Boyle, 2019
Local Understandings of Resilience after Typhoon Haiyan in Tacloban City, Philippines
Ara Joy Pacoma
the nation’s economicgrowth and labour market outcomes ( UN OCHA, 2020 ; Kirchberger, 2017 ; Felbermayr and Gröschl, 2014 ).
Indeed, disasters disrupt the fabric of community life and undermine the capacity of affected households to recover from shocks, thereby creating a need for affected countries as well as affected populations to devise mechanisms for resilience after disasters ( Tan-Mullins et al. , 2020 ). The increasing incidence of disasters in the Philippines has elicited the need to draw the country closer to a more transparent understanding of post
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Benjamin J. Spatz
Alex de Waal
sustenance of a
security sector or used to maintain patronage networks ( Miller, forthcoming 2022 ).
Most PMs are also characterised by macroeconomic mismanagement. From the
perspective of elites in a PM, decisions that seem irrational in terms of
promoting public welfare or economicgrowth, may actually be perfectly rational,
and macroeconomic institutions can be instrumentalised for political purposes
with negative implications for food security. For