The New EconomicPolicy
he New EconomicPolicy, or NEP, was introduced by Lenin in 1921.
It was initially intended as a short-term measure to deal with the
acute crisis in food production. Under War Communism, grain
which was considered surplus to the peasants’ own needs – and this was
open to interpretation – had been requisitioned by the authorities and
used to feed the urban workers and the army. The furious peasants had
rebelled; if the food they produced would be taken from them, they would
simply produce less. A severe drought in 1920 and 1921 turned
Economicpolicy under the PSOE, 1982–96
Entering office in 1982 at a time when social democracy was generally acknowledged to be in retreat before the dominant neoliberal paradigm, the PSOE
acknowledged that the pursuit of an interventionist, Keynesian-style economicpolicy would be unlikely to secure economic success. The very gravity of the economic situation bequeathed by the Socialists’ UCD predecessors militated against
the adoption of any kind of risk likely to provoke an adverse reaction from the
financial markets. Indeed, 1982, when the PSOE entered
Social and economicpolicy and
the executive in office
A wide range of socio-economicpolicy matters were discussed by the powersharing executive, despite its brief tenure. Issues such as job creation and
educational policy were subjects of particularly high priority for the powersharing administration. The downturn in both the regional and world
economies at the time, created a particularly challenging environment for an
executive that desperately needed a popular social and economic programme
in order to build support for power-sharing in the wider
The political economy of French social
democratic economicpolicy autonomy
1997–2002: credibility, dirigisme and
Introduction: the crisis of social democracy
The U-turn of French Socialism in 1983 saw a retreat from egalitarian
redistribution, full employment and social justice as the priorities of economicpolicy. A prolonged period of ideological and programmatic flux
ensued. The manifest failure of a decade of Socialist Government to make
any impression on the soaring unemployment figures was devastating.
This, acting in tandem with
The making and remaking of ‘common sense’
about British economicpolicy
Duncan Tanner made many contributions to the teaching, the writing and,
above all, to the understanding of British political history from the late nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth. One recurrent theme of his research,
of course, concerned the vicissitudes in the political fortunes of the Liberal and
Labour parties over that period. Indeed his first book, Political Change and the
Labour Party, constitutes a massive scholarly achievement in teasing out some of
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, historians of England pioneered a series of new approaches to the history of economic policy. Commerce, finance and statecraft charts the development of these forms of writing and explores the role they played in the period's economic, political and historiographical thought. Through doing so, the book makes a significant intervention in the study of historiography, and provides an original account of early-modern and Enlightenment history. A broad selection of historical writing is discussed, ranging from the work of Francis Bacon and William Camden in the Jacobean era, through a series of accounts shaped by the English Civil War and the party-political conflicts that followed it, to the eighteenth-century's major account of British history: David Hume's History of England. Particular attention is paid to the historiographical context in which historians worked and the various ways they copied, adapted and contested one another's narratives. Such an approach enables the study to demonstrate that historical writing was the site of a wide-ranging, politically charged debate concerning the relationship that existed – and should have existed – between government and commerce at various moments in England’s past.
The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.
The ‘globalisation’ concept has become ubiquitous in British politics, as it has in many countries of the world. This book examines discourse on foreign economic policy to determine the impact of globalisation across the ideological landscape of British politics. It critically interrogates the assumption that the idea of globalisation is derivative solely of neo-liberal ideology by profiling the discourse on globalisation of five political groups involved in making and contesting British foreign economic policy between 1997 and 2009: New Labour, International Financial Services London, the Liberal Democrats, Oxfam and the Socialist Workers Party. In addition to the relationship between neo-liberalism and globalisation, the book also explores the core meaning of the idea of globalisation, the implications for the principle of free trade, the impact on notions of the state, nation-state and global governance, and whether globalisation means different things across the ideological spectrum. Topically, it examines how the responses to the global financial crisis have been shaped by globalisation discourse and the value of ideology as an analytical concept able to mitigate debates on the primacy of material and ideational explanations in political economy.
Over the course of the past twenty-five years, as neoliberal economics has transformed the geopolitical landscape, monsters have overrun popular culture. This book explores literary, televisual, filmic and dramatic works from distant and diverse countries. It traces the vampire's evolution from the nineteenth-century past of industrial capitalism to the neoliberal present's accelerated violence and corrupt precarity, and discusses the NBC television mini-series Dracula, perfectly encapsulating our own post-recessionary subjectivity. The book addresses state capitalism but turns readers' attention away from the vampire and towards the ghost, focusing on the ways in which such spectral figures have come to dominate new German theatre. On the biotechnology sector, the book presents three examples: cinematic depictions of the international organ trade in Asia, the BAFTA award winning three-part series In the Flesh broadcast in BBC3, and literary representations of the dehumanised South African poor. The book moves from the global to the local, and charts the ways in which post-2006 house owners are trapped in the house by the current economic situation, becoming akin to its long-term resident ghosts. The ghost estates, reanimated and reimagined by the Irish artists and film-makers, are shown to embody the price paid locally for failures in global economic policy. The preoccupation with states of liminality is encapsulated by showing that the borders of the nation state have become a permeable membrane. Through this membrane, the toxic waste of first world technology seeps out alongside the murderous economic imperatives of the neoliberal agenda.
This book seeks to review the state of political issues early in the twenty-first century, when New Labour is in its second term of office. As part of the updating process it became necessary to choose which political issues are important. The book includes the main issues which appear in current Advanced Level Politics syllabuses. In the case of Edexcel, which offers a specific political issues option in its A2 specification, all the specified issues have been included. The book deals with the process of constitutional and political change which are issues in themselves. It also includes material on constitutional reform (incorporating the recent development of human rights in Britain), and devolution. The book includes the global recession and other recent political developments and looks at the important issues in British politics since 1945. It examines the key issues of British politics today: economic policy, the Welfare State, law and order, environment policy, Northern Ireland, issues concerning women, European integration and the European Union, and the impact of the European Union on Britain. The book also deals with the European Union and Britain's relationship to it. Finally, it must be emphasised that Britain's relationship to the European Union is in itself a political issue which has fundamentally changed the party system.