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A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates, organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format. The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945, a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European politics.
common, and an increasing amount, with regard to election outcomes, is thought to hinge on which party leaders run the best campaigns. So we are concerned in this chapter to consider how much of the electoral success of the centre-right coalitions that Berlusconi has led can be attributed to the style of his election campaigns. We begin by considering the electoral data that describe his success in order to quantify it more or less precisely. We then consider the case for the widely held view that the centre-right coalition Berlusconi has led for so long owes its
Representational democracy is at the heart of the UK’s political constitution, and the electoral system is central to achieving it. But is the first-past-the-post system used to elect the UK parliament truly representative? To answer that question requires an understanding of several factors: debates over the nature of representation; the evolution of the current electoral system; how first-past-the-post distorts electoral politics; and how else elections might be conducted. Running through all these debates are issues over the representation not only of people but also of places. The book examines all of these issues and focuses on the effect of geography on the operation of the electoral system.
September 2018, but having lost its overall majority and facing significant backbench unease at the prospect of reducing the number of MPs, the government did not proceed to implementation. Instead they were rescued by the 2019 general election, the result of which delivered them the majority they needed to introduce fresh legislation to maintain 650 MPs as at present.9 Indeed, as a consequence the 2019 general election, like the election before it, was fought in the constituencies defined using electoral data for the early 2000s. The changes– m ainly up to and
, census and electoral data, and the importance of local knowledge. There was also lengthy historical analysis of Dumfries and surrounding towns, drawing on the work of popular local historians and testimony presented during previous Boundary Commission reviews. The idea that knowledge is a hybrid, a complex interplay of diverse (heterogeneous) elements, is consistent with a view of modern knowledge as ‘infinitely complex’ (Riles 2001: 18). This view is available equally to the ethnographer and the would-be political activist alike. For instance, the former Tory MP for
all four included data to show how, while exercising the judgment that Oliver and Donaldson stressed was their prerogative, they had met the arithmetic criterion. Using 1976 electoral data (the latest available when the review started, and on which all of the deliberations were based even though the report was not submitted until 1982), the Boundary Commission for England showed that 75 per cent of its recommended constituencies had electorates within 10 per 66 JOHNSTON 9781526139894 PRINT.indd 66 09/12/2020 10:32 Consolidating the system: 1930–2010 cent of the
A chapter is devoted to this issue in: Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser, Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017); Cf. also: Takis S. Pappas, ‘Are Populist Leaders ‘Charismatic’? The Evidence from Europe’, Constellations 23, no. 3 (2016). The radical right framework has been more attentive to this issue but even Eatwell's valuable discussion tends to rely on electoral data as the deciding evidence: Roger Eatwell, ‘Charisma and the Radical Right’, in The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right , ed. Jens Rydgren (Oxford
presented in this book, the highly conditional nature of vice presidential HSAs in general – it is only reasonable to ask: do vice presidential HSAs ever actually matter? Has there ever been a plausible instance in which they could have or actually did decide the outcome of a presidential election? Or is the possibility of such an occurrence so remote, and so lacking in precedent, as to render the subject unworthy of serious historical and prospective attention? We endeavor to answer those questions in this c hapter – to determine, based upon analysis of electoral data
elected with a surplus. On the basis of election data from 2016, we can calculate that just 31 per cent of first preference votes were transferred to another candidate. The remaining 69 per cent stayed with the voter’s first preference, who was either elected or eliminated in the final round of counting. 27 Mining the ballot Table 2.7 Party first preference vote shares, percentage of votes transferred from each party and their overall contribution to the share of all transferred votes as taken from the results of the 2016 election (2016 Electoral Data) Fine Gael
, 127–142 . Coakley , J. ( 2018 ) ‘ Electoral data ’, in J. Coakley & M. Gallagher (eds) Politics in the Republic of Ireland ( 6th edn ), Abingdon : Routledge , 374–382 . Costello , E. ( 2014 ) ‘ Emer Costello launches Dublin European election campaign ’, speech on 4 May. www.labour.ie/news/press/2014