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How do leading Conservative figures strive to communicate with and influence the electorate? Why have some proven more effective than others in advancing their personal positions and ideological agendas? How do they seek to connect with their audience in different settings, such as the party conference, House of Commons, and through the media?

This book draws analytical inspiration from the Aristotelian modes of persuasion to shine new and insightful light upon the articulation of British conservatism, examining the oratory and rhetoric of twelve key figures from Conservative Party politics. The individual orators featured are Stanley Baldwin, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan, Iain Macleod, Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph, Margaret Thatcher, Michael Heseltine, John Major, William Hague, Boris Johnson, and David Cameron. Each chapter is written by an expert in the field and explores how its subject attempted to use oratory to advance their agenda within the party and beyond.

This is the first book to analyse Conservative Party politics in this way, and along with its companion volume, Labour Orators from Bevan to Miliband, marks an important new departure in the analysis of British politics. It will be of particular interest to students of Conservative Party politics, conservatism more broadly, British political history, ideologies and party politics, and communication studies.

Edward Ashbee

considerations. While faith undoubtedly played a role in moulding Bush’s public image, and served as a ‘mobiliser’ among grassroots activists, much of his thinking, the character of his electoral strategy, the nature of the domestic policy initiatives pursued by the administration and the president’s approach to moral and cultural issues were shaped by other processes. In particular, ‘W-ism’ was informed and structured by events and developments during the latter half of the 1990s. Revolution and impasse The Republicans’ Congressional victories of November 1994, which placed

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda
Apportioning blame and establishing risk
Timothy Heppell

consequences for the Conservatives. Downgrading nationalisation removed the tax threat that had been central to Conservative electoral strategy for generations (Kavanagh, 1997 ). Running parallel to this was the cumulative impact of the trade union and employment legislation of the Thatcher and Major era, which had significantly reduced the power base of the trade union movement relative to the 1970s

in Cameron
Abstract only
Edward Ashbee

to contemporary US politics? Arguably, over recent decades, Republican members of Congress, those who served in state legislatures, and the party's elites increasingly turned to electoral strategies structured around ‘base mobilization’. Instead of seeking the median voter, once described as the quest of the rational party, they sought instead to increase levels of electoral turnout amongst core constituencies. Where turnout is, as in the US, relatively low there is ‘slack’ that can be taken up. It is difficult to identify a proximate cause for the adoption of

in The Trump revolt
Tom Scriven

political and economic systems. The electoral strategy deployed in 1841 provided activists with few concrete political achievements, but nevertheless was an effective way of mobilising Chartists, which became a core strategy of the decade.2 In early 1842 the Complete Suffrage Union (CSU), a middle-​class Radical organisation led by the well-​respected abolitionist Joseph Sturge, sought an alliance with Chartism. This was met positively by a substantial number within the movement, but strongly resisted by O’Connor who feared the movement’s class basis and independence

in Popular virtue
Edward Ashbee

reshaped judicial politics, interest group activity and the character of the party system. Moral concerns such as abortion and homosexuality have become significant political issues although, when asked in specific terms about these, public opinion is moderate, nuanced and often equivocal. Few share the intensity of feeling that characterises the contending sides in the ‘culture war’. Nonetheless, having said this, the polls suggest that there was a growing sense of generalised disquiet about standards of morality as the 1990s progressed. George W. Bush’s electoral

in The Bush administration, sex and the moral agenda
Leadership strategy in opposition, 1997–2005
Richard Hayton

between ‘mods and rockers’ in the Conservative Party reflects a disagreement over electoral strategy based on differing interpretations of the political situation and the nature of the party’s context. The presence of a threat to the party’s ‘right flank’ in the form of UKIP undoubtedly informed these strategic calculations, inhibiting a Downsian repositioning. The perceived need to retain the party’s core vote informed strategic decision-making, but in articulating an appeal designed to do this the party reduced its attractiveness to the wider electorate. This

in Reconstructing conservatism?
Marisa McGlinchey

vote or that dissident activity would hurt their vote. So they can’t even publicly stand for what they stand for. 62 The fact that individuals such as Donnelly have contested elections as independent candidates begs the question: are groups such as the 32CSM internally divided on electoral strategy? Or is it simply the case that candidates fear a low vote would reflect badly on their organisation? The honorary president of the 32CSM Phil O’Donoghue has provided an insight into this issue when commenting on Gary Donnelly’s candidacy in Derry in

in Unfinished business
Defeats, victories and new strategies
Lewis H. Mates

before Parliament to address ‘what is regarded as a great injustice by a large section of men employed on the surface at mines’, by reducing the working hours of enginemen, boilermen, and firemen (stokers) from twelve to eight per day.190 Nevertheless, unlike like the DFM parliamentary candidates he might face at election time, Wing was not an actual Durham miner who had spent years campaigning inside the union on precisely these issues. Other Liberal MPs responded as the movement expected. That the DFM’s new electoral strategy would be implemented and could well work

in The Great Labour Unrest
Ben Clift

shaped the development of the French party system. The French party system is not a particularly rigid structure, destabilised by numerous changes to the electoral ‘rules of the game’, changing patterns of voting behaviour, and changing constituent parties over the last twenty years. As for agency, the set of actors shaping electoral strategy within a party can change rapidly. Furthermore, the internal organisational rules governing internal power relationships are themselves prone to evolve, affecting to what extent one particular strategic vision can achieve

in The French party system