White women and colonialism in Barbados and North Carolina, 1627–1865
Author: Cecily Jones

Whiteness, as a lived experience, is both gendered and racialised. This book seeks to understand the overlapping imbrication of whiteness in shaping the diverse material realities of women of European origin. The analysis pertains to the English-speaking slave-based societies of the Caribbean island of Barbados, and North Carolina in the American South. The book represents a comparative analysis of the complex interweaving of race, gender, social class and sexuality in defining the contours of white women's lives during the era of slavery. Despite their gendered subordination, their social location within the dominant white group afforded all white women a range of privileges, shaping these women's social identities and material realities. Conscious of the imperative to secure the racial loyalty of poor whites in order to assure its own security in the event of black uprisings, elite society attempted to harness the physical resources of the poor whites. The alienation of married women from property rights was rooted in and reinforced by the prevailing ideology of female economic dependence on men. White Barbadian women's proprietary rights as slave-owners were upheld in the law courts, even the poorest slaveholding white women could take recourse to the law to protect their property. White women's access to property was determined primarily by their marital status. The book reveals the strategies deployed by elite and poor white women in these societies to resist their gendered subordination, challenge the constraints that restricted their lives to the private domestic sphere, secure independent livelihoods and create meaningful existences.

Gender, race and poor relief in Barbados
Cecily Jones

lower whites of that island are without exception the most degraded, worthless, hopeless race I have ever met with in my life. They are more pressing subjects for legislation than the slaves, were they ten times enslaved.’ 9 The visible presence of so many white indigents represented an embarrassment to elite society, yet few thought that the poor whites merited any special attention. Various

in Engendering whiteness
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Five lives from twelfth-century Germany

Noble society in the twelfth-century German kingdom was vibrant and multi-faceted, with aristocratic families spending their lives in the violent pursuit of land and power. This book illuminates the diversity of the aristocratic experience by providing five texts that show how noblemen and women from across the German kingdom, from Rome to the Baltic coast and from the Rhine River to the Alpine valleys of Austria, lived and died between approximately 1075 and 1200. The five subjects of the texts translated here cut across many of the strata of German elite society. how interconnected political, military, economic, religious and spiritual interests could be for some of the leading members of medieval German society-and for the authors who wrote about them. Whether fighting for the emperor in Italy, bringing Christianity to pagans in what is today northern Poland, or founding, reforming and governing monastic communities in the heartland of the German kingdom, the subjects of these texts call attention to some of the many ways that noble life shaped the world of central medieval Europe.

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Jonathan R. Lyon

two distinct literary genres. 8 All five of these works can therefore be read together fruitfully as a cohesive set of sources for elite society in the twelfth-century German kingdom. Medieval forms of biography – whether labelled ‘lives’ or ‘deeds’ – rarely if ever align neatly with modern conceptions of how one ought to write the life of another person. 9 The

in Noble Society
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J. F. Merritt

prevalence of royalism within the ‘royal city’ and among local officials, including those at the heart of its powerful parishes. Chapter 5 explores one of the most distinctive aspects of Westminster’s cultural geography, the fashionable society of the West End. It reveals the tensions and contradictions involved in its perpetuation at the geographical centre of a regime bent on moral regulation and reform which actively persecuted many of elite society’s royalist denizens. The important topic of religious life in Westminster provides the focus for the final chapter and

in Westminster 1640–60
Stephen Mitchell

Izzard following the attacks on her, with the excuse that he has not yet been sworn in. This figure more than any other, perhaps, underscores the differences between elite and non-elite assessments of the situation: despite having been chosen to represent the courts in the village of Great Paxton, the constable, coming from the village itself but importantly holding the confidence of elite society, apparently sides with the

in Witchcraft Continued
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Andrew Mansfield

towards the Revolutionary settlement and suspicion of the populace, were obsolete by 1719. The trifecta of the Treaty of Utrecht, George I’s successful accession and the failure of the ’15, had ended realistic Jacobite aspirations and made the Nonjuror tenets that attacked 1688 ­redundant. Ramsay’s desire to protect elite society through natural law and the prescription of country philosophy to reform a corrupted government, however, was shared by his associate Bolingbroke.When Ramsay’s later reversal finally accepted Fénelon’s views of liberty, republican monarchy and

in Ideas of monarchical reform
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Tom Inglis

particular, became the backbone of the way most Irish people saw and understood themselves and the world in which they lived. It was the way in which the Church developed and sustained links between the political parties, at local and national level, particularly within Fianna Fáil, that enabled it to become a key pillar not just in civil society generally, but in political elite society. 4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 5 Introduction 5 The power of the Catholic Church in politics stemmed from the power it developed in the

in Are the Irish different?
J. F. Merritt

complexion of elite society in Westminster during the civil war. But war brought other pressures and upheavals that disrupted the normal structures and rhythms of Westminster’s fashionable society. Even pro-parliamentary county gentry were tied up with warfare and its costs in their own counties, and were thus less likely to keep the season. Fewer cases were heard in the law courts at Westminster, and prerogative courts such as Star Chamber and High Commission were abolished. In Easter Term 1644, the Lincoln’s Inn barrister John Greene reported that there was little

in Westminster 1640–60
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The mental world of an eighteenth-century Anglican pastor
Andrew Sneddon

towards a more rational religion, as Latitudinarians, among others, sought to ensure that faith was underpinned by reason as well as revelation.5 Theories of politeness venerated agreeable social behaviour and conversation, as well as the mutual pleasures occasioned by such activities, and blossomed in all sections of eighteenth-century elite society. This was especially true of urban Whig circles where it was used, along with Newtonian natural philosophy, to vindicate their social and cultural ideology.6 The ideology of improvement was also a dominant feature of

in Witchcraft and Whigs