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Robert Lister Nicholls

As Europe was used by elements within the elite on both sides of the issue to secure electoral and political advantage, it is advantageous to define the character of the political elite. The definition of the political elite for the purpose of this book is Members of Parliament. This is because it was they who were directly involved in the political decision-making on Britain's membership of the Common Market, and so the evidence of their behaviour is readily available. Whilst this definition is utilised, however, it is apparent that there

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
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J. F. Merritt

The social world of early modern Westminster Chapter 4 Parish elites T HUS far we have examined the degree to which political power in Westminster was wielded by the Crown, the Abbey and powerful courtier families such as the Cecils. As we have seen, the exact balance of power might vary, but the net effect was to leave Westminster without larger civic institutions to govern its increasingly diverse and expanding population. The ‘townspeople’ have so far appeared as a frustrated, amorphous voice – villified as a group seeking the incorporation of the town

in The social world of early modern Westminster
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From local to transnational
Tanja Bueltmann
Donald M. MacRaild

2 Elite associations: from local to transnational May the Society long continue its useful course and may it ever be worthy of the great country ‒ England ‒ of which we are all so justly proud. (John L. Sanford, History of the St George’s Society of Baltimore, 1929, p. 16) While arguing for the ethnicity of English associations we also recognize wider and more practical aspects of their work. For instance, the earliest type of these associations, the St George’s societies, served a range of functions: civic, financial, social, cultural and emotional. They were

in The English diaspora in North America
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David Torrance

in Britain (more specifically, in England) cannot be understood unless it is recognised that it is exercised socially (Fairlie 1955 ). 2 We will come to Fairlie’s parenthesised caveat later in this chapter, although it pointed towards a geographical dimension in the formation of elites within the UK, specifically Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In Wales, for example, irreverent reference is made to the ‘Taffia’ and in Scotland to the ‘Scotia Nostra’ and, within that, to the ‘Gaelic mafia’. All three imply close Mafia-like ties, just without the gruesome

in Scotland
Kieran Allen

4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 54 6 The Irish political elite Kieran Allen Why don’t the Irish protest? This became a familiar question after the economic crash of 2008. Diarmaid Ferriter, in his column in the Irish Independent, suggested that Historians in the future will contrast the wave of protests and mobilisations in other countries where incompetence and greed were exposed, with the absence of such activity in Ireland, even when the extent of the bankers’ betrayal and contempt for their fellow citizens became public

in Are the Irish different?
Aeron Davis

Introduction In the modern system of British elite rule, leaders have come to succeed almost by undermining the very institutions they manage. The ethos of venal self-interest has produced a series of individual risk-reward structures that conflict with organisational objectives. Thus modern British-based elites do well by transforming institutions into something they were never meant to be: short-termist 1 organisations for dealing with other elites rather than catering to publics and society. This shift not

in Reckless opportunists
Phil McCluskey

6 The administrative elites Of all the territories conquered or annexed by France in this period that have been subject to detailed study, none suffered a wholesale shutdown or replacement of the existing institutional apparatus. Conquests were usually followed by a confirmation of corporate and provincial privileges, signifying that the traditional contractual relationship of the ruler with his subjects was to be maintained.1 Retention of the traditional forms of administration would, it was hoped, keep the local elites on side. In 1661, for instance, a plan to

in Absolute monarchy on the frontiers
A case study from central London
Ilaria Pulini

This chapter provides the genealogy of a street in the elite London neighbourhood of Kensington – in terms of its housing and residents – from the late nineteenth century to today. The study concentrates on the manner in which the original built environment has been used and transformed over more than a century, opening up the temporal scope of the investigation. The different types of period properties existing in the street are examined in detail, and their current use is compared and contrasted with past narratives, highlighting ruptures

in How the other half lives
Eighteenth-century British country houses and four continents imagery
Stephanie Barczewski

by contemporary visitors to Castle Howard as a political message referencing recent events close to home as well as on the European continent. From the perspective of a member of the Whig political elite like Carlisle, that message was clear: overreaching monarchs will bring about their own destruction. This was in keeping with the reason for building Castle Howard itself: to serve as a symbol of the

in Exhibiting the empire
James Doelman

brief overview of the period’s funeral elegies on women, the circumstances of composition and circulation, the influential norms established by Donne, the outrageous elegies on women by Francis Beaumont, the use of funeral elegies on women for satiric detraction, and the general patterns of elegiac commemoration of female virtue. The second half turns to two particular elite women of the 1630s: Venetia

in The daring muse of the early Stuart funeral elegy