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This book explores contemporary urban experiences connected to practices of sharing and collaboration. Part of a growing discussion on the cultural meaning and the politics of urban commons, it uses examples from Europe and Latin America to support the view that a world of mutual support and urban solidarity is emerging today in, against, and beyond existing societies of inequality. In such a world, people experience the potentialities of emancipation activated by concrete forms of space commoning. By focusing on concrete collective experiences of urban space appropriation and participatory design experiments this book traces differing, but potentially compatible, trajectories through which common space (or space-as-commons) becomes an important factor in social change. In the everydayness of self-organized neighborhoods, in the struggles for justice in occupied public spaces, in the emergence of “territories in resistance,” and in dissident artistic practices of collaborative creation, collective inventiveness produces fragments of an emancipated society.
6 After emancipation: empires and imperial formations Clare Anderson1 This chapter will explore the relationship between enslavement, emancipation and the larger labour history of the British imperial world. Drawing on my area of specialism – convict transportation in the Indian Ocean world – I will suggest that slavery was part of a continuum of unfree work practices that spanned empire, and that empire’s variously staggered emancipations were moments that laid the ground for the production of new coerced labour forms. Enslavement, emancipation, coercion and
of armed force in the region has been to protect states and regimes from internal opponents rather than external aggressors. Focusing on the military’s role in projecting force externally also obscures some of the political and socio-economic functions that they perform which may contain within them immanent possibilities for reform and emancipation. These immanent possibilities
view to establishing a distinct regional or national practice. This is what is called in this chapter regional emancipation . It must be acknowledged that it is not always possible to distinguish neatly between these two modes of contestation, as the challenges of the international investment protection regime may simultaneously borrow from both. Yet, the distinction bears some didactic and cognitive
narratives under the same process and project of security, attention to identity politics specific to the region demonstrates the limitations of ‘grand narratives’ of security and similarly verbose claims to ‘universal emancipation’. In cases throughout the Asia-Pacific the totalizing discourses which portray ‘women of the region either as silent, domesticated housewives cloistered
1 Scotland’s Catholic Church before emancipation For much of the period between the Reformation and the nineteenth century, Catholicism existed on the periphery of Scottish society, its survival fraught with uncertainty in an atmosphere of institutionalised anti-Catholicism and extreme poverty. The Scottish Mission, a term used to describe the Catholic Church in Scotland between 1603 and 1878, when it had no formal governing hierarchy, had been thrown into complete disarray by the Reformation. Those who remained Catholics went underground, keeping their
Territorialities of emancipation 47 3 Territorialities of emancipation Zapatista territory and Zapatista territoriality Maybe Benjamin was right when he said that “More quickly than Moscow itself, one gets to know Berlin through Moscow” (Benjamin 1985a: 177). Let us not forget that Berlin was his home city whereas Moscow was a city he visited as a foreigner. What this chapter attempts to develop is a strategy similar to Benjamin’s but this time with the explicit aim to explore a different kind of knowledge connected to spatial experience. What if, in order to
-sustaining services as a fundamental global challenge to the security of current and future generations. These are, as Ken Booth suggests, ‘problems of profound significance’ and ones which place ‘emancipation at the centre of new security thinking’ ( Booth, 1991 : 318, 321). The UNDP suggested that human security would both
has always been patriotic, conservative and Whig, that is, ends-oriented, written with one eye on the final destination of the history train, the End of Anglo-Jewish History – ‘Emancipation’, that minor alteration in the oath of office which allowed Baron de Rothschild to take his seat in the House of Commons on 26 July 1858 and never utter a word thereafter. 1 The memory work associated with the two largest Jewish communities in Hampshire during the nineteenth century – Portsmouth and Southampton – largely conforms to the storyline of
dependent on the Earth! 23 In the vocabulary of the architect, nomadism is often confused with autonomy. Yet autonomy of movement is subordinate to energy dependence. Subject to the “innervation” of the territory, emancipation is reduced: the slightest dysfunction in the network makes all these proposals obsolete. Archigram reflected on access to the network, but it did not rethink either its foundations or energy: “The social aspect of utopia – the architectural project will save humanity – is replaced by a utopia of surface, technological and emancipating, immediate