Royal tours of the 1800s and early 1900s, and since, have created much documentation, perhaps the most obvious record contained in newspapers and magazines, newsreels and then radio and television broadcasts. Tours expressed and promoted royal and imperial authority, though in some instances they revealed resistance against expansionist designs. The royal visitor was the central actor in a tour, but was surrounded by an entourage of other people and a store of paraphernalia that played essential roles. This book examines how presentation is managed when ambassadors are sent in place of the royal personage. Sultan Alauddin of Aceh mounted a royal tour by proxy in which he was embodied - and concealed - in his gifts and in the humbler persons of his placeholders. Prince Alfred Ernest Albert, Duke of Edinburgh, provided a template for later royal tours in three ways. First, he pioneered a new relationship with the Royal Navy as a training institution for British princes. Second, his lengthy visits paved the way for similarly ambitious global tours. Alfred's tours cultivated a range of trusted support staff. Imperial citizenship and even Britishness were embraced by non- English and non- British subjects of the queen. One young prince who was present in Britain at some of the most glittering events was Thakur Sahib Bhagvatsinh, a Rajput who ruled Gondal. The book also discusses Kaiser Wilhelm II's tour, King Sisowath and Emperor Khai Dinh's tour to France, the Portuguese crown prince's tour of Africa, and tours during Smuts's Raj.
’s entourage, but the poem
clearly places him at any rate on its edges.31 ‘Hast thou beene dead a Moneth,’
Lewis’s poem begins, ‘and can I bee / Compos’d of any thing but Elegy?’32
In fact, the two-part elegy and epitaph that he wrote for Washington – the
elegy a long, bitter poem of ninety pentameter lines and the epitaph a shorter,
fifteen–line poem in tetrameter – contain within their compositions rather
more than simple grief. The elegy, addressed throughout to the departed
Washington, sets itself squarely against (in the poem’s phrase) ‘the barbarisme
these traditions had been appropriated – by colonial masters.
The royal visitor was the central actor in a tour, but was
surrounded by an entourage of other people and a store of paraphernalia that
played essential roles. Ministers and government officials from the capital
conferred with vice-regal authorities, representatives of settler
populations, and elders and chiefs of ‘native’ peoples. Like the royals,
they engaged in
The FSN and the mythologisation of the Romanian revolution
Kevin Adamson and Sergiu Florean
rearticulation of the popular uprising of 16–22 December into a narrative
sequence that supported a political mythologisation of the Romanian
The myth was based on three features. First, all negative articulations
were focused on the former leader and his entourage, including members
of his family and the Securitate (secret police), not ‘communism’ as such.
Second, FSN discourse consciously placed the FSN on the side of ‘the
people’ and ‘the uprising’. Third, the FSN claimed to be the ‘emanation’
or political form that emerged from the uprising, while discussion
From Olson’s breath to Spicer’s gait:
spacing, pacing, phonemes
‘If nothing happens it is possible / To make things happen,’ wrote Jack
Spicer in ‘A Postscript for Charles Olson,’ the final poem in his posthumously published book Admonitions, of 1957. And these lines, already,
make something happen – as a ‘postscript’ in a book in which almost
every poem is dedicated to a member of Spicer’s artistic entourage,
Spicer is allocating to Olson a clear position with regard to it: just
beyond its margins, but still inside its cover. Demarcated as
skepticism about the possibility of
good neighbourly relations with the EU. The last two reflect the
struggle between pragmatism (driven by economic or political reasons)
and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats or, more precisely,
between two major groupings within the Presidential entourage, which
have different views on Russia’s future development
The connected histories of Darwin and Singapore, 1860s–1930s
. Despite the small size of the British and white
Australian communities, social circles were determined by birth,
education and occupation. Regardless of class position, British and
white Australian colonists as well as the wealthy Asian elites in
Singapore and Darwin employed multiple domestic servants in their homes.
For British and white Australian colonists, the presence of an entourage
Masters and servants explores the politics of colonial mastery and domestic servitude in the neighbouring British tropical colonies of Singapore and Darwin. Like other port cities throughout Southeast Asia, Darwin and Singapore were crossroads where goods, ideas, cultures and people from the surrounding regions mixed and mingled via the steam ships lines. The focus of this book is on how these connections produced a common tropical colonial culture in these sites. A key element of this shared culture was the presence of a multiethnic entourage of domestic servants in colonial homes and a common preference for Chinese ‘houseboys’. Through an exploration of master-servant relationships within British, white Australian and Chinese homes, this book illustrates the centrality of the domestic realm to the colonial project. The colonial home was a contact zone which brought together European colonists, non-white migrants and Indigenous people, most often through the domestic service relationship. Rather than a case of unquestioned mastery and devoted servitude, relationships between masters and servants had the potential not only to affirm but also destabilise the colonial hierarchy. The intimacies, antagonisms and anxieties of the relationships between masters and servants provide critical insights into the dynamics of colonial power with the British empire.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.