This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
T HE ROLE OF EPISTEMICcommunities as producers, processors and purveyors of knowledge on
national and international security affairs is no longer questioned
today, not least by conventional scholars of security ( Adler, 2005 ; Haas, 1992 ).
Likewise, the notion of security studies communities based in
Singapore – comprising constituents of the state
underlying conceptions of the causal role of ideas and
knowledge: the EpistemicCommunities Hypothesis (ECH) (Haas 1992,
2001, 2004), the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) (Sabatier 1993)
and Discourse Coalitions (DC) approach (Hajer 1993). Alongside these,
and as a counterpoint to ‘ideas-based’ approaches, Freeman’s model of
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Developing the approach: theory and methods
immigration politics in liberal democratic states becomes the fourth
framework and operates as a kind of ‘null’ hypothesis.
One other influential account in the
governmentality and the security dispositif , I will now move on to consider the role of epistemiccommunities within the security dispositif and the expert knowledge produced by security professionals as a means of explaining the focus of the empirical research that follows and my rationale for this. As previously mentioned, Foucault himself was more interested in the arrangement of the dispositif than he was the specific ‘sources’ within it ( Bussolini, 2010 , p. 91), so here I diverge in my desire to focus specifically on one of these very sources.
: introduces change of goals rather than instruments only
Adler ( 1992 ); Haas ( 1992 ) introduce epistemiccommunities, allowing interactive learning processes which may also involve strategic use of epistemes by policy makers (Boswell 2009)
Source: Author’s depiction.
The assumption that learning is constituted by uncertainty of actors and their sociality in the learning process is widely shared in the PP literature, but the meaning and
Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson and Frode Veggeland
knowledge and epistemiccommunities (Adler and Bernstein 2005). Transborder problems are almost by definition more complex than problems
delimited by a national frontier. If ‘silo thinking’ is still a dominating
feature of national bureaucracies and of the way in which they perceive
problems and solutions, international bureaucracies will have to
transcend disciplinary boundaries and adopt holistic perspectives in order
to cope with problems of global scope. As political, economic and cultural
globalisation unfolds, the technical environment of international
Practical consciousness knowledge, consciousness raising, the natural attitude and the social construction of reasonable/unreasonable
The analysis of the third dimension builds upon Steven Lukes’ work, while departing from Marxist accounts of false consciousness. The foundation for this dimension of power is tacit practical knowledge, which actors use to make sense of the world. Usually, actors adopt a ‘natural attitude’ to this practical knowledge as ‘the natural-order-of-things’. Shared perceptions of practical knowledge enable actors to define each other as (so-called) ‘reasonable’. In contrast, those who do not share these interpretations become excluded as ‘unreasonable’. Most actors prefer to be perceived as reasonable, which creates an impetus towards social integration and a bias in favour of the status quo. To gain power, the (so-called) ‘unreasonable’ have to create local epistemic communities in which their particular epistemic ‘natural-order-of-things’ is dominant. This builds on Antonio Gramsci’s contrast between hegemony and counter-hegemony. Within this third-dimension epistemic conflict, social critique takes place through consciousness raising, whereby practical knowledge ceases to be tacit, and becomes discursively articulated.
migration management had become established, the UK case showed
how there is then space within this framework for debates for and
against more expansive policies. The reframing of policy provides a new
terrain for different networks, or advocacy coalitions, such as those
associated with MigrationWatch or the IPPR to reposition and compete
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In Spain, the role of an epistemiccommunity was less important than
the location of the policy subsystem in different ministries, and the
coalescence of different
policy process and policy change introduced in
Chapter 3 to reconsider the role of ideas and knowledge in labour
migration policy change in the UK and Spain.
The theoretical frameworks
The EpistemicCommunities Hypothesis (ECH)
The central hypothesis (hypothesis 1a) of the ECH, namely that consensual knowledge provided by epistemiccommunities provides a new
ideational framework for policy-makers, was more supported by evidence from the UK than from Spain. Research conducted by the UK
Prime Minister’s PIU and the subsequent recruitment of expertise represents an
policy direction (e.g., towards more integration in health technology assessment).
Communities, networks, integration, and governance in the EU
Policy communities, policy networks, regulatory networks, epistemiccommunities, advocacy coalitions, and a variety of other terms are subtly differentiated, and often have several different definitions, but are broadly about the phenomenon of people who agree on some issues and work together despite not being employed in the same organization (Sabatier 1988 ; Haas 1992 ; Heclo 1978 ; Carlsson 2000 ; Dowding 1995