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, M-A. ( 2014 ), ‘ The (De)Militarization of Humanitarian Aid: A Historical Perspective ’, Humanities , 3 232 – 43 . Schneiker , A. ( 2015 ), Humanitarian NGOs, (In)Security and Identity: Epistemic Communities and Security Governance ( New York : Routledge ). Stoddard , A. , Harmer , A. and Hughes , M. ( 2012 ), Host States and Their Impact on Security for Humanitarian Operations Humanitarian Outcomes London . Stoddard , A. , Harmer , A. and Czwarno , M. ( 2017 ), Behind the Attacks: A Look at the Perpetrators of Violence
reputation. As Florian Hannig has pointed out, when it came to coordinating international relief in East Pakistan and India, some countries preferred not to request ICRC’s services on the basis of what had happened in Biafra ( Hannig, 2018 : 111–35). Bertrand: I think this is very interesting. In my own research I have looked at later sites of epistemic communities or moments where humanitarians gathered. In Cambodia, for example, at the border of Thailand from 1979, about 10
This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
T HE ROLE OF EPISTEMIC communities as producers, processors and purveyors of knowledge on national and international security affairs is no longer questioned today, not least by conventional scholars of security ( Adler, 2005 ; Haas, 1992 ). Likewise, the notion of security studies communities based in Singapore – comprising constituents of the state
underlying conceptions of the causal role of ideas and knowledge: the Epistemic Communities Hypothesis (ECH) (Haas 1992, 2001, 2004), the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) (Sabatier 1993) and Discourse Coalitions (DC) approach (Hajer 1993). Alongside these, and as a counterpoint to ‘ideas-based’ approaches, Freeman’s model of BAL_03.indd 34 5/6/2010 9:48:16 AM Developing the approach: theory and methods 35 immigration politics in liberal democratic states becomes the fourth framework and operates as a kind of ‘null’ hypothesis. One other influential account in the
governmentality and the security dispositif , I will now move on to consider the role of epistemic communities within the security dispositif and the expert knowledge produced by security professionals as a means of explaining the focus of the empirical research that follows and my rationale for this. As previously mentioned, Foucault himself was more interested in the arrangement of the dispositif than he was the specific ‘sources’ within it ( Bussolini, 2010 , p. 91), so here I diverge in my desire to focus specifically on one of these very sources. Security
) introduce epistemic communities, allowing interactive learning processes which may also involve strategic use of epistemes by policy makers (Boswell 2009) Source: Author’s depiction. The assumption that learning is constituted by uncertainty of actors and their sociality in the learning process is widely shared in the PP literature, but the meaning and consequences of these assumptions are answered in a broad variety of
knowledge and epistemic communities (Adler and Bernstein 2005). Transborder problems are almost by definition more complex than problems delimited by a national frontier. If ‘silo thinking’ is still a dominating feature of national bureaucracies and of the way in which they perceive problems and solutions, international bureaucracies will have to transcend disciplinary boundaries and adopt holistic perspectives in order to cope with problems of global scope. As political, economic and cultural globalisation unfolds, the technical environment of international bureaucracies
The analysis of the third dimension builds upon Steven Lukes’ work, while departing from Marxist accounts of false consciousness. The foundation for this dimension of power is tacit practical knowledge, which actors use to make sense of the world. Usually, actors adopt a ‘natural attitude’ to this practical knowledge as ‘the natural-order-of-things’. Shared perceptions of practical knowledge enable actors to define each other as (so-called) ‘reasonable’. In contrast, those who do not share these interpretations become excluded as ‘unreasonable’. Most actors prefer to be perceived as reasonable, which creates an impetus towards social integration and a bias in favour of the status quo. To gain power, the (so-called) ‘unreasonable’ have to create local epistemic communities in which their particular epistemic ‘natural-order-of-things’ is dominant. This builds on Antonio Gramsci’s contrast between hegemony and counter-hegemony. Within this third-dimension epistemic conflict, social critique takes place through consciousness raising, whereby practical knowledge ceases to be tacit, and becomes discursively articulated.
migration management had become established, the UK case showed how there is then space within this framework for debates for and against more expansive policies. The reframing of policy provides a new terrain for different networks, or advocacy coalitions, such as those associated with MigrationWatch or the IPPR to reposition and compete for control. BAL_08.indd 200 5/6/2010 9:48:36 AM Conclusions 201 In Spain, the role of an epistemic community was less important than the location of the policy subsystem in different ministries, and the coalescence of different