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Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

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Security and enlargement into the twenty-first century
Alistair J.K. Shepherd

heightened. The first EU enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the ‘War on Terror’, immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In parallel, within the EU, there is a sense of

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Stuart Kaufman

trap helps to fill in one of the key missing pieces. Interethnic stalemates stay in place not only because of the dynamics between the two groups, but because of the dynamics within them. Once extremist leaders have used extremist ethnic symbols to gain and hold power, they often become captive to those symbols. Thus even if leaders recognise that continued ethnic confrontation may no longer be in their group’s interest, they may be unable to agree to a peace settlement because of the danger of being outflanked by even more extreme opposition figures who can use

in Limiting institutions?
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Gatrell Peter

political and ideological conflicts, economic uncertainty and inter-ethnic confrontations in the successor states of central and eastern Europe. Korzeniowski emphasises the degree of upheaval in the Polish-Ukrainian borderlands. In the Baltic v 15 v Introduction lands, as Richter makes clear, there was no return to the status quo ante, given the extent of political and social upheaval and the rearrangement of territorial borders. In the Balkans, European diplomats sought to bring an end to a decade of conflict between Greece and Turkey by engineering an organised

in Europe on the move
Open Access (free)
Catherine Baker

intersectionality, were drawing such connections even as I was writing this book. Yet the groundwork is older. Anikó Imre ( 2005 : 80) already argued in a 2005 chapter for the volume Postcolonial Whiteness that ‘white supremacy's function in the constitution of East European national identities is rooted much deeper than either these nations' official self-representations or the Western media portrayal of recent ethnic confrontations would suggest’; yet this unambiguous statement had little wider impact. 9 Today's scholarship – including research marginalised scholars would

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Political and aesthetic disruption in Against the Day
Simon Malpas and Andrew Taylor

that, of course, Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four also teaches), and for the western powers the splintering of the Ottoman empire can only be resisted by fostering the kinds of national (and, in this region, often ethnic) confrontation that create simplified narratives of belonging and adherence. Ratty is looking at a map that ostensibly depicts the Belgian Congo, but which is actually a cartographic code for the Balkans and the plans that the European powers have in the region. Geography here, then, is doubled, ‘bilocated’ so that two separate places can be represented

in Thomas Pynchon
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

far been put forward in this chapter. The reliance on popular militias to provide security, added to a sentiment that sees the state either as directly responsible for the situation or as not doing anything about it, illustrates the patterns in which resistance takes place. Even if this is seen, as the interviewee sees it, from the perspective of ideology and ethnic confrontation, the reflection illustrates the popular 135 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making perception that the FARDC is a menace, whereas the Mai Mai militias are the least-bad option

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making