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4 The spaces of everyday life In August 1946 Manchester Corporation concluded that, despite a series of measures taken over the previous decade, they could not prevent the damage caused by the inhabitants of the Wythenshawe estate walking on the grass verges that lined Princess Parkway.1 Although prickly bushes had been planted to deter pedestrians in 1937, the Corporation admitted that there was little further action they could take that would not defeat the aesthetic benefits they believed accrued from the landscaping of the roadside.2 The incident, one of
This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
months. Hundreds lost their lives for the cause in which they believed, as did their wives and children. While the advancement of medicine and hygiene by the end of the nineteenth century may have lessened the death rate, sickness remained a fact of everyday life. Housing Missionaries would have experienced the realities of life in India to a greater extent than
Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. Anecdotes about illegal commercial activity, or smuggling, have been common-place since that time, reflecting how the Irish border has been a negotiable barrier (Logue, 2000 ; Toibi’n, 1994 ). The everyday business of cross-border commerce – the connections
4 45 2 Politics and everyday life in early Chartism Although the LWMA has often been regarded as elitist and reluctant to adopt a leadership position within organised Chartism, several key members –in particular Henry Hetherington, John Cleave, and Henry Vincent – were instrumental in forming the organisational basis for Chartism outside of London.1 Born in Holborn in 1813, Vincent was the son of a Radical gold- and silversmith whose business failed when Henry was eight. In poverty, the family moved to Hull where Vincent was apprenticed as a compositor
who cannot get close to the psychology of everyday life. The revolutionary is that sort of person in whom patience is joined to impatience. Impatience on its own can create a kind of ‘happening’; and after a series of ‘happenings’ it can occur that the former revolutionary, having remained a disappointed, cynical man
9 Conservatism, gender and the politics of everyday life, 1950s–1980s Adrian Bingham In 1967, Eric Nordlinger, a young, well-connected American political scientist, published The Working Class Tories, a detailed study of ‘English manual workers who vote for the Conservative Party’.1 Intrigued that one in three working class adults voted against their ‘natural’ class interests, he explored the place of hierarchy, social status and deference in English political culture, and argued that these voters could be grouped into two categories, ‘deferentials’ and
The documents in this section illustrate the character of everyday monastic life in the later middle ages in the form of administrative records, most notably accounts and inventories.
Seeking to better understand what it means to grow older in contemporary Britain from the perspective of older people themselves, this richly detailed ethnographic study engages in debates over selfhood and people’s relationships with time. Based on research conducted in an English former coal mining village, the book focuses on the everyday experiences of older people living there. It explores how the category of old age comes to be assigned and experienced in daily life through multiple registers of interaction. These include ‘memory work’ about people, places and webs of relations in a postindustrial setting that has undergone profound social transformation. Challenging both the notion of a homogenous relationship with time across generations and the idea of a universalised middle-aged self, the author argues that the complex interplay of social, cultural and physical attributes of ageing means that older people can come to occupy a different position in relation to time and to the self than younger people. This account provides fascinating insight into what is at stake for the ageing self in regards to how people come to know, experience and dwell in the world. It describes the ways in which these distinctive forms of temporality and narrativity also come to be used against older people, denigrated socially in some contexts as ‘less-than-fully adult’. This text will be of great interest to researchers and students in anthropology, sociology, human geography and social gerontology working on interests in selfhood, time, memory, the anthropology of Britain and the lived experience of social change.
Men and women who were born, grew up and died in Ireland between 1850 and 1922 made decisions—to train, to emigrate, to stay at home, to marry, to stay single, to stay at school—based on the knowledge and resources they had at the time. This, a comprehensive social history of Ireland for the years 1850–1922, explores that knowledge and discusses those resources, for men and women at all social levels on the island as a whole. Original research, particularly on extreme poverty and public health, is supplemented by neglected published sources, including local history journals, popular autobiography and newspapers. Folklore and Irish language sources are used extensively. The book reproduces the voices of the people and the stories of individuals whenever it can, and questions much of the accepted wisdom of Irish historiography over the previous five decades.