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José Luís Fiori

deregulation of markets and frontiers and its conceited attempts to universalise liberal democracy and human rights. And it will also pose an existential threat to liberal humanitarian institutions, which have depended on the financial and political capital of the US. Far from promoting a final and permanent peace, the new security strategy situates the US in an inter-state system in which war is possible at any time, in any location, with any rival, enemy or former ally. How might we explain this apparent shift in American strategy? A growing number

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Paul Currion

have. This is not a problem until a situation arises which presents an existential threat and a paradigm shift is required purely for survival, which was of course the rationale that the original ALNAP study gave for innovation. This rationale draws on the idea of creative destruction, the phrase coined by Joseph Schumpeter to describe how the ‘fundamental impulse that sets and keeps the capitalist engine in motion comes from the new consumers’ goods, the new methods of production or transportation

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Lewis Hine’s Photographs of Refugees for the American Red Cross, 1918–20
Sonya de Laat

other than a nationalist social order, but it is in this era that the decisions and actions to move in this direction took hold and spread. Nationalism is a social and political construct that may have emerged in response to autocratic rule, in the name of ‘the people’, but it also created unintentional masses of displaced, stateless, and, later, illegal people who continue to be created and justified through a now familiar rhetoric and provocative nationalist discourse that present displaced people as a security or existential threat, revealing that ‘sovereignty is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

various humanitarian codes of conduct in this new world? More importantly, how much will humanitarian NGOs invest in supporting the existing rules, especially IHL, and how much in negotiating with major new players a different, and potentially more implementable, set of rules? The IHL question is pivotal. Have Russia, Syria and Saudi Arabia broken the rules or begun to establish new ones – that opponents you identify as an existential threat to your power do not enjoy the protections of humanitarian law? Why will all governments not welcome this

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Post-9/11 progress and challenges

"This book examines the intersection between national and international counter-terrorism policies and civil society in numerous national and regional contexts. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) against the United States led to new waves of scholarship on the proliferation of terrorism and efforts to combat international terrorist groups, organizations, and networks. Civil society organizsations have been accused of serving as ideological grounds for the recruitment of potential terrorists and a channel for terrorist financing. Consequently, states around the world established new ranges of counter-terrorism measures that target the operations of cCivil society organizsations exclusively.

Security practices by states have become a common trend and have assisted in the establishment of a “‘best practices”’ among non-liberal democratic or authoritarian states, and are deeply entrenched in their security infrastructures. In developing or newly democratized states (those still deemed democratically weak or fragile), these exceptional securities measures are used as a cover for repressing opposition groups considered by these states as threats to their national security and political power apparatuses.

This book serves as a critical discussion accounting for the experiences of civil society in the enforcement of global security measures by governments in the America’s, Africa, Asia-Pacific, Central Asia, Europe (Western, Central, and Eastern), and the Middle East.

Abstract only
Liberty and press control in the 1640s
Randy Robertson

dubs ‘Martin Marprince’ and ‘Martin Marpeople’. Lifting his rhetoric to a fever pitch, he lambastes the various Martins and highlights an especially odious recent publication, the Leveller Remonstrance. Like the Marpriest pamphlets, the ‘Remonstrance’ that Terry cites, the Remonstrance of Many Thousand Citizens (1646), was Richard Overton’s work. Terry’s remarks indicate once again the public perception of the Levellers as an existential threat even as they demonstrate the scope of the Levellers’ cultural influence. It is significant that Terry’s sermon was printed

in Texts and readers in the Age of Marvell
The case of post-communist Russia
Matthew Sussex

different tactics, and represented a differing level of severity, linked directly to the severity of internal and existential threats facing the state, as well as the extent to which ruling elites perceived their hold on power to be under serious challenge. As the post-communist Russian case demonstrates, the motivations to engage in violence in states where transitions fail have not altered appreciably

in Violence and the state
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

when this was deemed insufficient, sovereign power was exerted by controlling life through death. Regimes quickly declared states of emergency, suspending political structures and the rule of law as a consequence of perceived existential threats to their rule. Recourse to such methods was hardly surprising, yet as the repeal of emergency legislation was a prominent feature of protestor’s demands, such action only served to escalate tensions. Once again, the state of exception had become the paradigm of government, the new norm. The historical use of emergency

in Houses built on sand
Abstract only
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper

. Official discourse: migration as an existential threat Official discourse on migration in contemporary Russia presents itself in a highly securitised manner. A major focus of this discourse has been the portrayal of illegal migrant labour as an existential threat to the national economy.1 More specifically, according to this discourse three specific aspects of illegal migrant labour are posing a threat to Russia’s economy. These factors are tax evasion, capital flight from Russia, and an increase in official unemployment figures. In 2001, Viktor Ivanov – then deputy

in Securitising Russia
Of ‘savages’ and ‘terrorists’
Sean R. Roberts

the region, which predates 2017, has taken on a life of its own. It has been internalized by many state officials and citizens, who now view Uyghurs and related peoples as an existential threat to society and deserving of the violent policies that target them. In this sense, the PRC's ‘counterterrorism’ justification for its settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland mimics that of the ‘civilizing mission’ for European settler colonialism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Liebersohn 2016 ; Tricoire 2017 ). In the Americas and

in The Xinjiang emergency