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Images of Africa and Asia in British advertising

We live in an age in which advertising is part of the fabric of our lives. Advertising in its modern form largely has its origins in the later nineteenth century. This book is the first to provide a historical survey of images of black people in advertising during the colonial period. It highlights the way in which racist representations continually developed and shifted throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, depending on the particular political and economic interests of the producers of these images. The book analyses the various conflicting, and changing ideologies of colonialism and racism in British advertising, revealing reveal the purposes to which these images of dehumanisation and exploitation were employed. The first part deals with images of Africa, the second deals with images of black people in the West, and the third considers questions relating to issues about images and social representations in general. The Eurocentric image of the 'savage' and 'heathen', the period of slavery, European exploration and missionary activity, as well as the colonisation of Africa in the nineteenth century are explored. Representations of the servant, the entertainer, and the exotic man or woman with a rampant sexuality are also presented. The key strategy with which images of black people from the colonial period have been considered is that of stereotyping. The material interests of soap manufacturers, cocoa manufacturers, tea advertising, and tobacco advertising are discussed. The book explains the four particular types of imagery dominate corporate advertising during the 1950s and early 1960s.

Carol Polsgrove

the Colonies, especially India and Africa.’ 39 Far from preparing Africans to take their place as equals in the modern industrial world, the British were exploiting African labour and resources to maintain their own position in the international capitalist system. So long as capitalism survived, Padmore maintained, so would colonialism. Although he had told Theis that British workers would not read

in Ending British rule in Africa
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Martin Thomas

as an imperial power. Colonial manpower was vital to both Vichy and Free France and, in many respects, this contribution was better acknowledged by Vichy than by de Gaulle and his followers. More basically, since many Vichy colonies lived under the restrictions of British naval blockade, the incentive to exploit African labour in pursuit of export revenue was sometimes diminished by force of circumstance. By contrast, Gaullist

in The French empire at war 1940–45
Political differences yield to economic rivalry
James W. Peterson

continent a year later. He indirectly portrayed China as seeking to exploit African resources while American efforts centered on contributions to continental development as well ( New York Times 2015a ). Later, in the fall, China's agenda shifted to military construction on reclaimed islands in the South China Sea. At an APEC summit meeting in the Philippines, Obama called on China to stop that construction and submit the issue to arbitration among the nations of Southeast Asia ( New York Times 2015b ). Terrorism was also on the agenda of the Association of

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
May to July 2020
Rhys Crilley

the same time as exploiting African uranium resources, the Manhattan Project colonised Native American lands. Uranium was mined domestically within the USA on swathes of land belonging to Native Americans, and parts of the nuclear-industrial complex – such as the Hanford processing plant – were situated on Native American reservations. These places are now some of the most toxic places on earth, and Native Americans are some of the biggest victims of the harms of radiation. The first detonation of a nuclear weapon – the Trinity test – conducted at dawn on 16 July

in Unparalleled catastrophe
Ismay Milford

Political Committee, a Cultural and Education Committee and so on. Sipalo elaborated on these aims and included a list of organizations invited to send delegates – mainly political parties. The pan-African basis for the meeting was also further justified: ‘In exploiting Africa, European powers have shown a remarkable amount of unity … We cannot fight with united European powers unless we ourselves are united.’ But once again, the conference did not happen, at least at its intended scale: it was overtaken by an international

in Global biographies
Graham Harrison

is easy to dismiss Africa. It is easy to patronise Africa. It is easy to exploit Africa. And it is easy to insult Africa. But it is difficult to see Africa truly. It is difficult to see its variety, its complexity, its simplicity, its individuals. It is difficult to see its ideas, its contributions, its literature. It is difficult to hear its laughter, understand its cruelties, witness its spirituality, withstand its suffering, and grasp its ancient philosophies. (Okri, 2009: 8) This point brings us to the third point for discussion. If representation is rendered

in The African presence
Transforming indirect rule
Ben Silverstein

colonies, Britain sought the acquisition of tropical commodities produced by African labourers, exploiting African communities by the acquisition of surplus through trade which, ‘though it has developed at an extraordinary rate, … is capable of indefinite expansion’. 62 Native development and progress, in other words, was oriented towards a limitless future. But this was a future that the British could only face with ambivalence, celebrating change they would ultimately work to frustrate. Never yet: race and progress in the travelling idea of

in Governing natives
Brett L. Shadle

”’. To threaten African men with annihilation should they touch a white woman rang hollow coming from ‘so-called white men’ who sexually exploited Africans. ‘Example’, Orr wrote, ‘is always stronger than precept’. 113 White women too carried a heavy responsibility to act properly, to keep up white prestige. Vagrancy, criminality, and the like were of course bad form, and sex

in The souls of white folk
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Doing good in Africa
Julia Gallagher

mainstream also absorbed a cosmo­ politan outlook, one that grew in part out of attempts to reform utopianism as the Labour Party developed its critical stance on both domestic and foreign policy in the early twentieth century and could be described as particularly interested in international institutionalism. The work of Leonard Woolf is an example of this. Writing for the Labour Party and the Fabian Society in the first part of the twentieth century, Woolf attempted to reform or reclaim nineteenth-century utopianism from the imperialists whom he saw as exploiting Africa

in Britain and Africa under Blair