School, Their School; In Class Playtime? CIDA ( 1995 ), The World Is Changing Rapidly in Every Way , ( Ottawa : National Atlas Information Service, Geomatics Canada ). CIDA, National Advisory Committee on Development Education ( 1990 ), Towards a Global Future: Annual Report to the Minister for External Relations and International Development by the National Advisory Committee on Development Education ( Hull, QC : CIDA ). Cogan , T. ( 2018 ), Sharing the Nation’s Heart Globally? Foreign Aid and the Canadian Public, 1950
The concept of the learning region is central to the way of problem-solving. Like 'lifelong learning' the term is used variously and carelessly. This book explores the meaning and importance of the learning region. Not all universities warm to such local-regional engagement. The unwise pride of global forces and nations undermines it; but even the most prestigious and 'global' university has a local footprint and ever-watchful neighbours. The book arises from the work of PASCAL, an international non-governmental network Observatory. Its name exploits echoes of philosophical depth as well as technical modernity of language, taking the concepts of Place, Social Capital and Learning together with the vital connecting conjunctions of And, to define its mission. At the heart of the story is PASCAL's experience of working with multiple regions and their universities on their experience with engagement. The book examines in turn several central strands mainly of policy but also of process that are illuminated by the PASCAL Universities and Regional Engagement (PURE) project. The PURE processes and outcomes, despite limitations and severe disruption by forces located outside the region and often too the nation, show the potential gain from international networking and shared activities. The book also discusses internal arrangements within the administration before turning to external relations: both with the university and tertiary sector and with other stakeholders in the private and third sectors. Regional innovation systems require entrepreneurialism inside government, higher education and training, as well as within industry from small and medium enterprises to multinationals.
This book explains how the relationship between the European Union (EU) and Africa has evolved in the first decade of the twenty-first century. For this, it treats the EU as a 'bilateral donor', focusing in particular on the new partnership agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. It also treats the EU as a 'collective actor', paying special attention to the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES) and a number of EU policies that affect African development beyond aid. The book first sketches the evolution of EU–Africa relations, between the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 and the third Africa–EU Summit held in Tripoli in November 2010. The evolution of EU-Africa relations should be set against two tracks. The first track concerns the programme managed by the European Commission. In this case, the most important change is certainly the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement, which marked a fundamental departure from the principles of the long-standing Lomé Convention. The second track concerns the attempt to create a continent-wide policy towards Africa, under the slogan 'one Europe, one Africa', which started with the first Africa–EU Summit held in Cairo in April 2000. The book also presents some contending explanations, drawing on studies of EU external relations as well as offering a perspective of Africa. It examines a number of policy areas, ranging from more established areas of cooperation to new areas of concern, such as migration, energy, climate change and social policies.
, Finland and Sweden joining the EU. However, the single largest enlargement in the history of the EU took place in 2004 when ten Central and Eastern Europe countries became EU members. From 1989 until the enlargement in 2004, the end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union into several independent republics had been the main focus EU external relations, to the point that it had an effect on other external relations, including external relations with Latin America. The enlargement of the EU in 2007 is not discussed in any detail here because it did not have an
individual CSDP operations and activities (see Pirozzi, 2009; Elowson, 2009). This chapter is interested in how the EU’s strategic preferences – as evidenced by its behaviour in Africa – inform the notion of a strategic culture in the Union’s external relations. Its focus is not on the full array of the EU’s CFSP towards sub-Saharan Africa but on an examination of its CSDP operations. Sub-Saharan Africa is of considerable interest as a 58 Actors and contexts ‘test-bed’ of CSDP activity. Since 2003, the continent has experienced the full range of both civilian and
political struggle during policy processes. Second, while demonstrating how both political and administrative actors can become the prime movers of policy processes, they also show how successful “municipal entrepreneurship” depends on a dialectic relationship between the two roles. Third, and most importantly concerning the ambition of exploring the relationship between government and governance (see the discussion in Chapter 2 ), the two cases both display how internal and external relations (and resources) are tightly interwoven during policy processes, and how
towards the outward projection of the Union’s interests is one of the factors giving rise to the prospect of a European Union foreign policy. EU foreign policy, in this perspective, is more than just CFSP. It involved the totality of the EU’s external relations, combining political, economic, humanitarian and, more recently, also military instruments at the disposal of the Union. It is the study of this broader concept, going
, among which using the legal recognition and status of the state for external legitimacy and obtaining resources from the exterior have been important. 19 In these circumstances, the governing factions often seek to control external relations because they may be crucial for maintaining power, while state institutions provide a façade for informal wealth generation and redistributive channels favouring the domestic consolidation of the regime. 20
approach, the latter prioritise the promotion of decent work objectives. Since different views on the social-development nexus seem to prevail depending on the institutional setting within the EU, this chapter will start from a historical-institutionalist perspective. We consider the EU as a compartmentalised external policy actor, whose external relations are to a large extent shaped by the interplay of the different institutional sub-units (or policy sub-systems) which have their own preferences on various dimensions of foreign policy. The EU’s foreign policy system
13 Engaging horizontally – leading, partnering, learning H ow can regional administrations make engagement with others in their regions more productive and effective? Having discussed in Chapter 12 the impact of national governments on engagement between HEIs and their regions previously, this chapter focuses on regions before turning to individual universities and the HE sector locally. So far as regions are concerned, we discuss internal arrangements within the administration before turning to external relations: both with the university and tertiary sector