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Defending democracy
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This book looks at the theoretical issue of how a democracy can defend itself from those wishing to subvert or destroy it without being required to take measures that would impinge upon the basic principles of the democratic idea. It links social and institutional perspectives to the study, and includes a case study of the Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence, which tests the theoretical framework outlined in the first chapter. There is an extensive diachronic scrutiny of the state's response to extremist political parties, violent organizations and the infrastructure of extremism and intolerance within Israeli society. The book emphasises the dynamics of the response and the factors that encourage or discourage the shift from less democratic and more democratic models of response.

Elisabeth Carter

all the countries in Western Europe, only Finland, Iceland and Ireland do not feature in this analysis. This is because they do not have a right-wing extremist political party that has contested national elections (in fact no extreme right parties exist at all in Iceland and Ireland, and in Finland the tiny Isänmaallinen Kansallis-Liitto [IKL] has not participated in any national parliamentary elections). The other 14 West European countries are included in the study, with Belgium treated as two separate political systems on the grounds that Flanders and Wallonia

in The extreme right in Western Europe
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?
Ami Pedahzur

the restraint and suppression of extremists without consideration of the cost of such actions. Chapter 1 demonstrated the changes in the Israeli response to extremist parties and concluded with the optimistic assessment that, in terms of its governmental institutions, the State of Israel has indeed travelled a long and significant road. An extensive legal system has been created, intended to safeguard democracy from extremist political parties and, at the same time, impose numerous restrictions on authorities with the intention of ensuring the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The context
Mary C. Murphy

Belfast Agreement, Dixon criticises the reliance on consociationalism. He claims that it is ‘overly focused on the “institutional fix”’ and shows ‘little realism in its understanding of what was “the art of the possible”’ (2008: 319; see also Dixon 2002a and 2007). Others too have found fault with the consociational ‘solution’, claiming that the Agreement undermines democratic principles, further consolidates divisions within society, polarises support for hard-line and more extremist political parties and has, in some ways, intensified, if not the extent, at least the

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

short while after the amendment to the Knesset’s Basic Law, new clauses were added to Knesset Regulations with regard to the limitations on the legislature’s forbearance regarding racist and anti-democratic expressions; and seven years later the Parties Law was passed as well. The ‘immunising’ process of the Israeli democracy with regard to extremist political parties was completed in 1998 with the approval of article 28 of the Law of the Local Authorities (Elections). Article 39a of that amendment in effect applies the qualifications which appear in article 7a of the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

insurgency. With this as background, the question is raised as to why, ironically, an undercover organisation, noted for methods which often encroached upon basic democratic liberties, was nevertheless allocated the task of countering extremism in place of the legislation-bound police. As in chapter 1 , this chapter also records the general developing tendency – the gradual transition from ‘militant’ routes of response to ‘immunised’ strategies. However, contrary to the development of this type of response to extremist political parties, the shift to ‘immunised

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Jean-Hervé Bradol
and
Marc Le Pape

slaughtered by militiamen and soldiers. In Butare prefecture, some in the administration, who included the Tutsi prefect, tried to stop the killings. The prefect was dismissed on 17 April and murdered, along with his wife and children. 42 On 19 April, the Head of State, Prime Minister, several members of the interim government and extremist political party leaders arrived in Kigali and encouraged the

in Humanitarian aid, genocide and mass killings
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
Ami Pedahzur

materialise in Israel and that, in effect, the majority of the decisions reached by systems of security and enforcement are in response to a specific occurrence. Conclusions The emerging reality in Israel since its establishment indicates that in contrast to the policy regarding extremist political parties, which has undergone a perceptible process of ‘immunisation’, in relation to the policy of response towards radical and violent movements this process has proven to be more equivocal. However, one cannot overlook the far

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Elisabeth Carter

different parties are organized and led, and enable the validity of the hypothesis advanced above to be examined. Organization, leadership and factionalism: three types of right-wing extremist party The degree of centralization in a party organization, the strength of the leadership, the level of discipline and the degree of dissent and factionalism within a party are difficult factors to measure or quantify. This said, on the basis of a scrutiny of the existing studies of right-wing extremist political parties, it is nonetheless possible to group the parties of the

in The extreme right in Western Europe