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What rough beast?
Series: Irish Society

This book explores the issue of a collective representation of Ireland after the sudden death of the 'Celtic Tiger' and introduces the aesthetic idea that runs throughout. The focus is on the idea articulated by W. B. Yeats in his famous poem 'The Second Coming'. The book also explores the symbolic order and imaginative structure, the meanings and values associated with house and home, the haunted houses of Ireland's 'ghost estates' and the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household. It examines the sophisticated financial instruments derived from mortgage-backed securities that were a lynchpin of global financialization and the epicentre of the crash, the question of the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household of Europe. A story about fundamental values and principles of fairness and justice is discussed, in particular, the contemporary conflict that reiterates the ancient Irish mythic story of the Tain. The book suggests correspondences between Plato's Republic and the Irish republic in the deformations and devolution of democracy into tyranny. It traces a red thread from the predicament of the ancient Athenians to contemporary Ireland in terms of the need to govern pleonexia, appetites without limits. The political and economic policies and practices of Irish development, the designation of Ireland's 'tax free zones', are also discussed. Finally, the ideal type of person who has been emerging under the auspices of the neoliberal revolution is imagined.

Anthony Musson and Edward Powell

the role of the king. Modern commentators have pointed to the level of legal awareness displayed at certain ‘flashpoints’ and the apparent sophistication of the lower social classes’ responses to royal government. 9 The sources accordingly reveal an underlying grasp of natural law concepts of fairness and justice, right and ius , often underpinned by reference to custom

in Crime, Law and Society in the Later Middle Ages
The Xinjiang emergency in China’s ‘new type of international relations’
David Tobin

Introduction Xi Jinping presented China's approach to international relations at the 19th Party Congress in a ‘new era’ of the Great Revival ( weida fuxing ): ‘Dissatisfied’ China will preserve sovereignty but reform a Western colonial-built order using new norms of ‘mutual respect, fairness, and justice’ (Xi 2017a, 2017b ). In the era of China's rise, politically connected public intellectuals 1 have consistently argued for ‘anti-hegemonic’ Chinese international relations

in The Xinjiang emergency
Joe McGrath

The traditional architecture of enforcement t­hemselves in the construction of legislation, in court judgments and in the ethos of the traditional era (Vaughan and Kilcommins, 2008: 97–119). This section analyses the rights of the accused and illustrates the traditional commitment to due process values. At the pre-trial stage of criminal proceedings, the rules governing the investigation, detention and arrest of the accused by authorities were identified and strictly limited according to constitutional values of fairness and justice. The constitutional right to

in Corporate and white-collar crime in Ireland
A distinctive politics?
Author: Richard Taylor

English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.

Neville Kirk

. Intent upon avoiding the ‘excesses’ of both Thatcherite individualism and Labourite collectivist interventionism, New Labour set out to restore the party’s political fortunes by creating a ‘young’, ‘progressive’ and ‘modern’ country along ‘third way’ lines. In this way the party would aim to realise Labour’s ‘traditional’ values and goals under ‘modern’ conditions. For example, the ‘traditional’ policies and objectives of socio-economic regulation, fairness and justice would be combined with ‘new’ and ‘modern’ neo

in Labour and the politics of Empire
Abstract only
Mary McAleese

status of Northern Ireland, allowing that it would stay within the United Kingdom unless and until a majority decided otherwise. It detailed the arrangements for power sharing within Northern Ireland and prescribed the intergovernmental arrangements between North and South and between Ireland and Britain, thus putting a fresh new coherency at the heart of these previously awkward relationships. Crucially the Agreement’s overarching context was a commitment to the building of a society based on true equality, fairness and justice for all the people of Northern Ireland

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

household. Crunnuc is the minister who mismanages the oikos. He makes a bad job of husbanding his household’s god-given resources. He feels compelled by Conchobor, an arrogant, dark power under whose guidance people have become affluent but frivolous and morally decadent. He might have refused, backed down, talked his way out of the challenge, but just as the people of Ulster have lost sight of virtues of fairness and justice, Crunnuc for his part lacks the virtues of prudence, courage and FAIR TRADE AND FREE MARKET 79 foresight. Macha is brought forth. The crowd will

in The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic Tiger Ireland
Abstract only
A conclusion
Katie Barclay

their class, ensured that the court was far from impartial. It was a system that reflected Ireland’s hierarchical society and which most people, both rich and poor, broadly accepted as normative. Fairness and justice within this context were not determined by an external set of judgements applied equally to all, but to the contextualised positioning of individuals within •  244  • BARCLAY PRINT.indd 244 11/10/2018 10:05 closing arguments their gender, community and nation. During a period of growing democratic ideals, the court’s bias against the poor or the lower

in Men on trial
Sonja Tiernan

and confirmed that the legal position was far from clear.’24 The fact that RTÉ is a State-funded broadcaster, earning much of its revenue from licence fees, meant that Killane was publicly answerable for such decision making. Breda O’Brien described her reaction to O’Neill’s comments and the broadcast, noting that ‘RTÉ had breached basic rules of fairness and justice by encouraging Rory O’Neill to identify specific people as homophobic who were not there to defend themselves’.25 Therefore, O’Brien and the others mentioned sought ‘a simple clarification and apology

in The history of marriage equality in Ireland