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Author: Helen Boak

The Weimar Republic, with it fourteen years of turbulent political, economic, social and cultural change, has attracted significant attention from historians primarily because they are seeking to explain the Nazis' accession to power in 1933. This book explores the opportunities and possibilities that the Weimar Republic offered women and presents a comprehensive survey of women in the economy, politics and society of the Weimar Republic. The Republic was a post-war society, and hence, the book offers an understanding of the significant impact that the First World War had on women and their roles in the Weimar Republic. The book also explores to what extent the Weimar Republic was 'an open space of multiple developmental opportunities' for women and considers the changes in women's roles, status and behavior during the Republic. It discusses women's participation in Weimar politics, as voters, elected representatives, members of political parties and targets of their propaganda, and as political activists outside the parliamentary arena. The book investigates the impact, if any, on women's employment of the two major economic crises of the Republic, the hyperinflation of 1922-23 and the Depression in the early 1930s. It describes the woman's role within the family, primarily as wife and mother, the impact of the changes in family and population policy and attitudes towards female sexuality. The Weimar Republic also witnessed significant changes in women's lives outside the home as they accessed the public realm to pursue a variety of interests.

Michael Rush

’Brien and Moss, 2010). The chapter illustrates that new ways of epistemological thinking about the EU social politics of fatherhood were shaped by discussions in several institutional settings, including:  the European Observatory on National Family Policies, the Confederation of Family Organisations of the European Union, the European Commission Childcare Network, the Network on Leave and Policy Research and more recently by the European Union Network of Experts on Family Policy and by the European Parliament’s Quality of Childhood Group. These institutional settings

in Between two worlds of father politics
International socialisation across the pond?
Kelly Kollman

’s recent statement of personal support for marriage aside, the chances of the US Congress implementing a national SSU policy appear even more remote. Thus despite similarities in the timing and the nature of the same-sex relationship debates in the US and Canada, national policy outcomes in the two countries have diverged significantly since the mid 1990s. The rest of the chapter seeks to unravel the puzzle of these contradictory developments. Shifting the family policy paradigm in Canada and the US: the differential impact of international socialisation As in Europe

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies
Overview of key issues and previous research
Margret Fine-Davis

have been studied by demographers, sociologists and psychologists. These issues can be broadly characterised as falling under several themes or areas; however, there is often overlap and interplay between them: • changing gender role attitudes; • changing gender role behaviour, e.g., women’s increasing labour force participation; • the relationship between women’s labour force participation and fertility; • demographic changes and the emergence of new family forms; Changing gender roles and family formation 3 • the effects of family policies on women’s labour

in Changing gender roles and attitudes to family formation in ireland
Australia, France and Sweden compared
Dominique Anxo, Marian Baird, and Christine Erhel

work across the life course and we focus on parental leave and childcare as indicative of the care regime. The chapter draws on the theoretical framework developed by Rubery and colleagues (1999, 2001) and Rubery (2002). This theoretical tradition emphasises that the gender division of labour between employment and unpaid care and domestic work is structured by the articulation of family policies and the organisation of employment and working time, as well as other elements of the welfare state regime such as the taxation system. This approach has drawn attention to

in Making work more equal
Abstract only
Social liberalism and traditionalism
Richard Hayton

failure. Cameron also frequently emphasised the importance of supporting families and marriage (for example through the tax system) as a central part of his approach to tackling these issues. However, the Conservatives’ capacity to forge a coherent narrative on social and moral issues between 1997 and 2010 was limited by significant divisions within the party over how they should be approached. This chapter examines Conservative policy and rhetoric on social and moral issues, particularly gay rights and family policy. It considers whether the key dividing line within

in Reconstructing conservatism?
Sex, domesticity and discipline in the King’s African Rifles, 1902–1964
Timothy Parsons

soldiers. During peacetime, every KAR battalion had a substantial complement of African women and their children. In 1949, approximately 75 per cent of the regiment’s 5,428 rank-and-file soldiers lived with their families, which meant roughly 4,000 women were living in military camps throughout East Africa. 2 There were, however, few formal guidelines for the family policies

in Guardians of empire
Conservative primary socialization
Andy Smith

reductions for familles nombreuses (ones with three or more children). Indeed, at its high point in the mid-1950s, family policy accounted for no less than half of the nation’s social security budget! Moreover, a high birth rate has also been encouraged indirectly by support for organizations and companies willing to offer part-time employment, in particular by giving employees Wednesdays off (the day of the week when maternelle and primary schools have been shut since the early 1970s). The ambitions of family policy have certainly been curtailed since then, as

in Made in France
Common norms, diverse policy models
Kelly Kollman

political agenda, and crucially by shifting the paradigm on which state family policy was based. SSU proponents in both countries convinced the government to redefine the core goal of family policy from one focused on the promotion of the traditional nuclear family to one focused on conferring rights, obligations and benefits on all families regardless of sexuality. In Germany European influences played a central role in these policy processes; in the Netherlands the influence was more subtle, but important nonetheless. Kollman 05_Tonra 01 03/12/2012 12:44 Page 105 Same

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.