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This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.

Alison Phipps

Chapter 6 Feminists and the far right The ‘fascistic habit’ of white feminism can easily move from latent to overt. It is a short step from seeing more marginalised people as collateral, to positioning them as enemies when they thwart our will to power. Sara Ahmed has described how some feminists use ‘willfulness’ to support trans-exclusionary politics. They employ the figure of the ‘feminist killjoy’ to create the impression that trans-exclusionary feminism is a brave struggle against an oppressive majority. This is described as ‘willful feminism’, Ahmed

in Me, not you
Věra Stojarová

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi 3 Historical legacies of the Balkan Far Right This chapter looks at the Second World War predecessors of current formations on the Far Right and presents the overall context which existed during the 1980s and 1990s in the former Yugoslavia at the height of nationalism. The historical chapter is essential in understanding the overall context of nationalism in the Balkans and the rise of the Far Right formations. The Croatian Far Right The historical legacies of the Croatian Far Right date back to the nineteenth century

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Věra Stojarová

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi 8 Voters of the Far Right and legislative implementation in practice This chapter offers a comparison drawn between the typical Far Right voter living in the Balkans and his counterpart in Western Europe. The second part of the chapter examines hate speech laws (their integration into the legal system and enforcement), activities which promote and incite racial discrimination and other legal issues affecting Far Right parties in the region. Voters of the Far Right Voters in the third wave of Right-wing radicalism in

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Věra Stojarová

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 01/16/2014, SPi 4 An overview of Far Right political parties in the Balkan region and political party selection The aim of this chapter is to describe the overall Far Right scene in the region and indicate cases for further analysis. In order to be preselected for further investigation, the party must have been depicted by researchers as a Far Right party and must have gained at least one seat during parliamentary elections in the 2000–2010 period. The Far Right in Croatia In 1999, Ivan Grdešić noted that the presence of the Croatian

in The Far Right in the Balkans
Sean Healy and Victoria Russell

seemed: that it was actually a plot in which search and rescue organisations were actively and directly colluding with people smugglers to ferry ‘migrants’ from Libya to Europe. And even that this was only part of a deeper plot to ‘invade’ and ‘flood’ the continent and make ‘we Europeans … a minority in our own European homelands’ (statement by Defend Europe, quoted in Holthouse, 2017 ). From December 2016, this conspiracy theory spread from the far-right anti

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
The trouble with mainstream feminism
Author: Alison Phipps

What violence can we do, in the name of fighting sexual violence? This book presents a critique of #MeToo and similar Anglo-American campaigns. These campaigns are dominated by self-described ‘nasty women’, who refuse to be silent and compliant and who name and shame perpetrators in the media. These women also tend to be privileged and white. The book argues that mainstream feminism filters righteous anger about gender inequality through race and class supremacy. This turns ‘me, too’ into ‘me, not you’: an exclusive focus on white women’s pain and protection, and a desire for power and control sated through criminal punishment or institutional discipline. Punitive systems tend to disproportionately target marginalised people, who become collateral damage of the white feminist ‘war machine’. It is also a short step from sacrificing marginalised people to seeing them as enemies, which happens in campaigns against the sex industry and transgender inclusion. In this reactionary feminism, ‘me, not you’ refers to hoarding resources, policing borders and shutting doors. The book concludes that to tackle these dynamics white feminists need to reach towards a more intersectional, connected and abolition-focused politics, taking their lead from feminists of colour and other marginalised people.

Open Access (free)
Passion and politics in the English Defence League

‘Loud and proud’: Politics and passion in the English Defence League is a study of grassroots activism in what is widely considered to be a violent Islamophobic and racist organisation.

The book uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at EDL events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL, and themselves, as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ inter alia through the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined group. In contrast activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated by a ‘two-tier’ justice system that privileges the rights of ‘others’. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of ‘being heard’ in a political system governed by a politics of silencing.

Unlike most studies of ‘far right’ movements, this book focuses not on the EDL as an organisation – its origins, ideology, strategic repertoire and effectiveness – but on the individuals who constitute the movement. Its ethnographic approach challenges stereotypes and allows insight into the emotional as well as political dimension of activism. At the same time, the book recognises and discusses the complex political and ethical issues of conducting close-up social research with ‘distasteful’ groups.

German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

advocate for the rights of migrants, rather than as a modern-day Florence Nightingale. 18 Support for SAR operations is also seen as a way of symbolically snubbing the far right, which has grown in strength not least because its leaders have blamed refugees and asylum seekers for all ills. The Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany), or AfD, since the 2017 national elections Germany’s largest opposition party, has long tried to equate private SAR missions with people-smuggling networks. While AfD politicians speak of ‘so-called refugees’ and ‘so

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
British television and constructs of race

Adjusting the contrast National and cultural identity, ethnicity and difference have always been major themes within the national psyche. People are witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media. This book emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how 'race' and racial difference are perceived. They are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB), specifically the BBC and Channel 4. The book explores a range of texts and practices that address the ongoing phenomenon of race and its relationship to television. Policies and the management of race; transnationalism and racial diversity; historical questions of representation; the myth of a multicultural England are also explored. It interrogates three television primarily created by women, written by women, feature women in most of the lead roles, and forcefully reassert the place of women in British history. The book contributes to the range of debates around television drama and black representation, examining BBC's Shoot the Messenger and Top Boy. Finally, it explores some of the history that led to the belated breakthrough of Black and Asian British comedy. The book also looks at the production of jokes about race and colour prior to the 1980s and 1990s, and questioning what these jokes tell us about British multiculturalism in this period.