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Parties, ideology and culture
Author: Thomas Linehan

This book provides a clear and accessible guide to the essential features of interwar British fascism. It focuses on the various fascist parties, fascist personalities and fascist ideologies. The book also looks at British culture and develops the knowledge of undergraduate students by providing a solid source of background material on this important area of interwar British history. The focus on fascist culture throws new light on the character of native fascism and suggests a potentially rich vein of new enquiry for scholars of British fascism. The book considers the membership strength of Britain's interwar fascist parties. The ideas of racial Social-Darwinism influenced British fascism in a number of ways. To begin with, hereditarian ideas and biological determinist models contributed to the emergence of racial theories of anti-semitism. The anti-semitism of the Imperial Fascist League was of a very different order from that of the British fascism. Moreover, to Britain's fascists, artistic modernism, with its creative use of distortion, disintegrative images and general disdain for the traditional discipline of the art form, made a virtue of deformity. The search to uncover the anti-liberal and anti-capitalist pre-fascist lineage would become a highly subjective exercise in invention and take the fascists on an imaginative journey deep into the British past.

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Thomas Linehan

a distinct and readily perceivable historical and intellectual genealogy. At the intellectual level, the cultural ideas of British fascism drew on and absorbed concepts from a variety of both European and native sources. With regard to the former, British fascist culture developed within the broad European-wide cultural critique of liberal rationalism and positivism that originated in the 1890s, and was thus an organic element of it. Fin-de-siècle anti-rationalist thinkers like Nietzsche, Bergson, Sorel and Le Bon all developed concepts that found their way

in British Fascism 1918-39
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Jonathan Dunnage

the institutions of the Interior Ministry. This was also reflected in the early fascist Government’s wavering attitude concerning the role which different police forces should play in the new political order, before Mussolini finally invested the Interior Ministry Police as the leading organ responsible for defending his dictatorship. Chapter 2 analyses how effectively a fascist culture penetrated the police. It contrasts the regime’s official and much propagandised integration of the Public Security forces into the new political order with the ideological and

in Mussolini’s policemen
Behaviour, ideology and institutional culture in representation and practice

This book examines the careers and lives of regular Italian police personnel against the background of Benito Mussolini's rise to power and his attempted construction of a new fascist civilisation. It analyses how, and to what extent, the new regime transformed the existing structures and functions of the Italian police. The book explores the cultural environment in which Mussolini's policeman acted. In spite of notable levels of support for fascism among policemen, Mussolini's movement was hesitant in its relations with the police, particularly the institutions of the Interior Ministry. It analyses how effectively a fascist culture penetrated the police. The book contrasts the regime's official and much propagandised integration of the Public Security forces into the new political order with the ideological and professional shortcomings behind recruitment and training procedures. The professional tasks entrusted to the regular organs of the Interior Ministry Police and the Carabinieri at the level of the community and the type of relationships that arose are then examined. An assessment of the quality of performance of the regular police and the effectiveness of internal hierarchical structures governing them during the fascist years follows. The book reviews the profiles of the careers and lives of a selection of members of the Interior Ministry Police, with a view to consolidate an understanding of the various issues. Finally, it considers how the Italian police forces reacted to the gradual demise of fascism, underlining how their growing dissociation from the regime reflected its failure to engender lasting loyalty among personnel.

Ashley Lavelle

-1914 fascist culture on his part – ignores the triggering factor of the war (O’Brien, 2005: 49). Trotsky’s assertion of the role played by un-dialectical thinking in the desertion of Marxism by a series of American renegades only raises more questions about why they challenged the dialectic to begin with. But more importantly, it cannot explain why this anti-dialectical method did not prevent them from being radicals for a sustained period of time before becoming castaways. Thus the flawed radical approach can be criticised for underplaying the political context and

in The politics of betrayal
Giuliana Pieri

earlier. The reasons behind this wider public acceptance of images of Mussolini suggest a loosening of the strong anti-fascist culture which characterised Italian society and politics in the second half of the twentieth century and can be seen as the final testimony of the enduring legacy of the cult of the Duce. It is also, though, a result of changing artistic practices and a cultural climate that encourages revisitations of the past and eclectic appropriations. Notes  1 G. Bottai, ‘Il regime per l’arte’, in Politica Fascista delle arti (Rome: Signorelli, 1940

in The cult of the Duce
Nursing and medical records in the Imperial War in Ethiopia (1935–36)
Anna La Torre, Giancarlo Celeri Bellotti, and Cecilia Sironi

be devoted to monitoring the sanitary condition of the neighbourhood, which to some extent might be compared to the work of health visitors these days. The training course duration was two years and included both theory and practice and there was an optional third year of specialisation. Subjects of the basic course of study were: hygiene, basic human physiology and anatomy, general medical and surgical knowledge, emergency procedures, basic knowledge of paediatrics, nursing techniques and the ‘inevitable’ fascist culture, for a total of fifty lectures and 100 days

in Colonial caring
Thomas Linehan

of Morris’s romantic socialism as a forerunner of a fascist culture. Morris was critical of encroaching urbanisation and the modern city, while revelling in a nostalgia for the apparently timeless beauty of the English countryside. The Mosleyites would harbour similar views during the 1930s. 69 Other links between Morris and fascism were thought to exist. The BUF attempted to identify a spurious ‘racial’ component in Morris’s thinking. It saw in Morris’s mystical reverence for Iceland an intuitive awareness of a North European racial community and a common ‘Nordic

in British Fascism 1918-39
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Jonathan Dunnage

leadership of the Interior Ministry Police did its best to resist external pressure of this kind. It was difficult for ideologically motivated personnel to put into practice a fascist model of police professionalism, because of a fairly ad hoc and unco-ordinated approach to the ‘fascistisation’ of police culture in general. While members of younger cohorts of fascist recruits might have desired a more direct translation of their beliefs into the profession, this would have been hard to achieve in an environment which did not fully identify with fascist culture and which

in Mussolini’s policemen
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Hysteria, paranoia, psychosis
Jeremy Tambling

comparisons with Kafka, as another figure oppressed by fascist culture, and equally a figure in flight. Michel de Certeau, relating Schreber’s text to mysticism, draws attention to the way that he was degraded in the language which addressed him (De Certeau, 1986 : 35–46). Deleuze, too, allows for the thought that Schreber’s movement is towards ‘becoming woman’, which cannot be seen negatively (Flieger, 2000 : 38

in Literature and psychoanalysis