This chapter addresses two questions. How can we assess the feasibility status of a theory of distributive justice? What should a feasibility test for the proposals presented in the previous chapters look like? I claim that feasibility debates by political theorists should focus on practical restrictions that human agency cannot reasonably be expected to overcome, leaving aside feasibility barriers which are presumably temporary. I argue that a pervasively feasible theory of justice has at least four key features. It must (i) fit, to a
This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.
Preserved human remains from ancient Egypt provide an unparalleled opportunity
for studies in the history of disease and medical practices. Egyptian medical
papyri describe physiological concepts, disease diagnoses and prescribed
treatments which include both ‘irrational’,(magical) and ‘rational’ (surgical
and pharmaceutical) procedures. Many previous studies of Egyptian medicine have
concluded that ‘irrational’ methods predominated, but this perception is
increasingly challenged by results from scientific studies of ancient human
remains (including autopsy, radiology, endoscopy, palaeohistology and
immunological and molecular analyses), and plant materials. This paper
demonstrates the significant contribution being made by multidisciplinary
studies to our understanding of disease occurrence and medical treatments in
ancient Egypt, and considers the feasibility of developing epidemiological
comparisons of ancient and modern data sets that will provide acceptable
historical contexts for contemporary disease studies.
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell, and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
skills are less likely to be available. Technological solutions are also less
feasible. For example, MT generally relies upon the availability of already
translated digitised texts to train each system. The Creole-to-English MT system in
Haiti was only possible because of previously translated texts (though limited in
number), including the Bible and data from a Carnegie Mellon University
speech-to-speech research project conducted in the 1990s.
The consequences of limited
them aligns with the US)? And so, where cooperation in the coming world at the inter-state level
on matters of mutual interest is feasible, China and the US will need to see it as in their
mutual interest. To protect its people, investments and products, China will need to deploy
power over significant distances, giving rise to costly strategic interests and a case for
cooperation ( Ikenberry, 2012 ). But China need never
again feel forced to follow rules or norms which it does not support. It now has a choice. What
consequence in terms of its
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
hold the governmental authorities to account. We allowed ourselves to be morally blackmailed and our calls for accountability reaped steadily diminishing returns’ ( 2017 : 199). In instances where collaboration is not possible or feasible (including due to serious concerns of corruption), an alternative to active collaboration with the government is alignment (outlined next).
Alignment . As of 2018, the operational environment was slowly moving from one of emergency response to development activity (or at least the introduction of both sets of activities in
Barick , U. ,
Gowda , A. ,
Mohanty , E. ,
Dutt , A. R. ,
Mittal , S.
A. ( 2016 ), ‘ Harnessing Real
World Data from Wearables and Self-monitoring Devices: Feasibility,
Confounders and Ethical Considerations
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South
Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper
belligerents for its alleged partiality in the conflict. The opposition pointed to
an UNMISS political mandate that gave undue legitimacy to Salva Kiir’s
government, whereas the government suspected the UNMISS PoC sites of sheltering
rebels in areas it controlled. Both sides thus objected to MSF working in PoC sites.
It would, however, remain the only feasible option to keep an MSF team in Bentiu in
the years that followed. The April attack on the city, the violence that took place
Why adopt a poststructural perspective when reading about the military strategy of national missile defence (NMD)? Certainly, when considering how best to defend the United States against attack by intercontinental ballistic missiles, the value of critical international relations theory may be easy to overlook. So, how might the insight of scholars such as Michel Foucault contribute to our understanding of the decision-making processes behind NMD policy? The deployment of NMD is a sensitive political issue. Official justification for the significance of the NMD system is based upon strategic feasibility studies and conventional threat predictions guided by worst-case scenarios. However, this approach fails to address three key issues: the ambiguous and uncertain nature of the threat to which NMD responds; controversy over technological feasibility; and concern about cost. So, in light of these issues, why does NMD continue to stimulate such considerable interest and secure ongoing investment? Presented as an analysis of discourses on threats to national security – around which the need for NMD deployment is predominately framed – this book argues that the preferences underlying NMD deployment are driven by considerations beyond the scope of strategic approaches and issues. The conventional wisdom supporting NMD is contested using interpretive modes of inquiry provided by critical social theory and poststructuralism, and it is suggested that NMD strategy should be viewed in the context of US national identity. The book seeks to establish a dialogue between the fields of critical international relations theory and US foreign policy.
This chapter addresses the question, is distributive justice in the EU a feasible project? I apply the feasibility framework developed in the previous chapter to the reforms proposed in Chapters 2 and 3. I argue that, when the long run is taken as the relevant time frame, distributive justice in the EU is feasible. At the same time, I claim that this conclusion is subject to a number of conditions. First, I argue that, to be feasible, the scheme has to be consistent with a plurality of welfare regimes in the Union. This can be achieved by