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Chatterjee argues that Fenwick in Secresy (1795) uses images of lesbian desire in order to challenge the then prevailing models of gender. Fenwick‘s associations with such Jacobins as William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft, and Mary Hays underline her radical credentials, and Chatterjee argues that Secresy develops feminist ideas drawn from Wollstonecraft. However she also argues that the novels focus on same-sex desire challenges the whole notion of gender ascriptions in the period and so ultimately moves the debate beyond Wollstonecraft.
is entirely based on an analysis of texts and videos alone, rather than fieldwork and conversations with refugees in either Jordan or Kenya. Nonetheless, we hope that this article may inspire further field research and raise questions around the pervasiveness of neoliberal forms of global governance that mobilise feminist ideas and goals. It is also our hope that it invites collective feminist considerations on what may be alternatives to the simplistic conflation between women
Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, it engages with some contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas, the book proposes that the social democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics.
women in Edwardian society, evident in the denial of that most basic of human rights, the right to the parliamentary franchise, was due to the power of men. She emphasised the commonalities that all women shared, despite their differences, and the primary importance of putting women first rather than considerations of class conflict and class struggle. She saw the suffrage struggle as a ‘sex war’, where men were the main enemy.25 It is only through exploring Christabel’s feminist ideas, and placing her as a pioneer of what in the 1970s would become known as ‘radical
by arbitration and the avoidance of conflict. This was distinct from feminist revisions of patriotism, which focused on the effects of women’s enfranchisement and argued that women would be loyal to a higher ideal, or a more moral and humane nation. The contributions of Peckover and Robinson to pacifist feminist ideas can be seen in the impact that both had upon the roles of women within the peace movement, especially the Peace Society. By opening up new channels to women and demonstrating that they could make a useful contribution to pacifist arguments, Peckover
some of the history of feminist engagements with international law, observing that the international sphere has long provided a beacon of hope for women. We do not chart a full map of the travels of feminist ideas in the international arena, 21 but focus on an area that had barely emerged when Boundaries was published: the UN Security Council’s ‘Women, Peace and Security
issues between 1979 and 1986), which featured photomontages interwoven with Poison Girls’ lyrics denouncing power and writing by Andrea Dworkin, William Burroughs and the poet Janet Dube, among others. It focused on issues of militarism, sexual politics and degenerate capitalist culture and politics. The ideas communicated in International Anthem and Impossible Dream resonated with anarcho-feminist ideas, which were gaining traction at the time. 65 Anarcho-feminists provided a perspective on
This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use – in varying ways – of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover.
The book provides a comprehensive account of work camp movements in Britain before 1939, based on thorough archival research, and on the reminiscences of participants. It starts with their origins in the labour colony movement of the 1880s, and examines the subsequent fate of labour colonies for the unemployed, and their broadening out as disciplined and closed therapeutic communities for such groups as alcoholics, epileptics, tuberculosis sufferers and the ‘feeble-minded’. It goes on to examine utopian colonies, inspired by anarchist, socialist and feminist ideas, and designed to develop the skills and resources needed for a new world. After the Great War, unemployed camps increasingly focused on training for emigration, a movement inspired by notions of a global British national identity, as well as marked by sharp gender divisions. The gender divisions were further enhanced after 1929, when the world economic crisis closed down options for male emigration. A number of anti-industrial movements developed work camps, inspired by pacifist, nationalist or communitarian ideals. Meanwhile, government turned increasingly to work camps as a way of training unemployed men through heavy manual labour. Women by contrast were provided with a domesticating form of training, designed to prepare them for a life in domestic service. The book argues that work camps can be understood primarily as instrumental communities, concerned with reshaping the male body, and reasserting particularistic male identities, while achieving broad social policy and economic policy goals.
This chapter begins by identifying affinities between socialist and feminist goals and ways of thinking, before outlining the historical development of socialist feminist ideas. It argues that even limited calls for reform should be welcomed as steps in the right direction, and that feminists should build on both grassroots activism and the increased presence of feminist women in positions of power in order to develop effective feminist policies. The next section discusses what these policies might involve, focusing on issues around work, care, welfare and the relationships between them; it also argues that, although the Nordic countries are far from perfect, we can learn from their experience. The chapter concludes that different forms of feminist activism can have complementary and cumulative effects, but that if we want to achieve radical change we should start not with elite women but with those who are multiply deprived.