‘Collusion with people smugglers’, ‘trafficking’,
and ‘being complicit’ implies criminal intent on the part of the
rescuers. It implies a conspiracy.
The ‘first reported case’ cited by Frontex (2016) concerned an incident in which a small
Libyan-flagged fishing boat handed two individuals to a rescue vessel, the
Minden . The Frontex report claimed that this fishing boat
Why Building Back Better Means More than Structural Safety
ago in 2013, Typhoon Haiyan caused a storm surge in the neighbourhood that was several metres high, topping the roofs of their timber and nipa (thatch) homes. The resulting damage is not counted in terms of houses destroyed or damaged: it is described by the residents as a ‘washout’. Just the concrete floor slab was left, with debris scattered far and wide. Many died, and everyone else has a graphic survival story 7 .
The residents of the barangays have lived there for decades. They are the city’s poorest population relying on fishing, pedicab (rickshaw
This book is about the relationship between myth-making and historical materiality. It is a singular case study of the position and experience of women in a 'peripheral' society distanced - geographically, economically and culturally - from the British mainland. The book first looks at women and gender relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries through examination of the construction of historical myth. It then looks at economic and demographic factors that underpinned the materiality of women's dominance of culture. An understanding of women's work patterns and experiences is central to any analysis of women's lives in Shetland and the gender relations contingent upon this. Shetland women were autonomous, independent workers whose day-to-day productive experiences implicated them in all sorts of social and economic relationships outside the home. The book argues that women's culture in Shetland actually had only a marginal connection to the islands' dominant economic activity - fishing. It also argues that the negligible figures for children born outside wedlock are a poor guide to understanding the moral order in nineteenth-century Shetland. Like the new visitors to Shetland, the historians of the early twenty-first century would ordinarily reach the same conclusions. They would do so, at root, because the authors are equipped with the same myth system of discourse about what constitutes women's subordination and power. The book seeks to navigate the issue of 'power' by approaching it in terms which the Shetland woman understood in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Ethnographies of labour at sea must examine the experience of that labour, rather than contemplate the commodities that are produced, or resort to trite metaphors about watery 'flow' and 'immersion' This book takes up a labour-centred Marxist approach to human-environment relations, place and language, human-machine relations, technique and technology, political economy and violence. It explores how fishers make the sea productive through their labour, using technologies ranging from wooden boats to digital GPS plotters to create familiar places in a seemingly hostile environment. While most analyses of navigation assume that its purpose is orientation, virtually all navigation devices are used in techniques to solve the problem of relative position. Fishers frequently have to make impossible choices between safe seamanship and staying afloat economically, and the book describes the human impact of the high rate of deaths in the fishing industry. The lives of fishermen are affected by capitalist forces in the markets they sell to, forces that shape even the relations between fishers on the same boat. The book also discusses techniques people used to extend their bodies and perceptual abilities, the importance of controlling and delicately manipulating these extensions and the caring relationships of maintenance boats and machines required. A 'new anthropology of labour' and a 'decolonised anthropology dispenses with the disciplinary emphasis on the "outside" of capitalism and encompasses the dynamism and interconnections of global society'.
Emigration from Scotland has always been very high. However, emigration from Scotland between the wars surpassed all records; more people emigrated than were born, leading to an overall population decline. This book examines emigration in the years between the two world wars of the twentieth century. Although personal persuasion remained the key factor in stimulating emigration, professional and semi-professional agents also played a vital part in generating and directing the exodus between the wars. Throughout and beyond the nineteenth century Scottish emigration was, in the public mind and public print, largely synonymous with an unwilling exodus from the highlands and islands. The book investigates the extent to which attitudes towards state-aided colonization from the highlands in the 1920s were shaped by the earlier experiences of highlanders and governments alike. It lays particular emphasis on changing and continuing perceptions of overseas settlement, the influence of agents and disparities between expectations and experiences. The book presents a survey of the exodus from lowland Scotland's fishing, farming and urbanindustrial communities that evaluates the validity of negative claims about the emigrants' motives vis-a-vis the well-publicized inducements offered through both official and informal channels. It scrutinizes the emigrants' expectations and experiences of continuity and change against the backdrop of over a century of large-scale emigration and, more specifically, of new initiatives spawned by the Empire Settlement Act. Barnardo's Homes was the first organization to resume migration work after the war, and the Canadian government supervision was extended from poor-law children to all unaccompanied juvenile migrants.
‘You just can’t get a price’
The difference political economy makes
As I made dinner, typed up notes and did bits of boat maintenance on board in the
evenings, I would often leave the VHF radio on. Fishing skippers monitored VHF
channel 13 and expected others to do the same, using it to call each other, listen in,
and to broadcast information to the fleet. A conversation one evening between the
skippers of two scallop draggers illustrated the strong and potentially devastating
effects that fluctuating commodity prices have on fishers:
Donnie: Did you
, and there was always good craic in
the bar. Lachie went out mackerel fishing most summer evenings in his small open
motorboat, distributing his catch in plastic shopping bags to various regulars and visitors, and boiling up the mackerel and salt herring with potatoes to share with people
at the bar. Fishing skippers coming in for a drink would often bring Lachie a few extra
fish, a gesture that was usually repaid with a free pint of lager or a dram of whisky.
One long and beautiful evening in late July, I joined Lachie on one of his fishing
trips. After stopping the
Fishing is the oldest human use of
the sea; and for many coastal communities today fishing, and the
industries dependent on it (such as boat building, fish processing and
retail) constitute a major economic activity. Since time immemorial fish
from the sea has been an important source of food, first for those
living by the coast and then, with the development
I ate my breakfast outside in the bright morning stillness of summer in Scotland,
examining the fishing boats around me, which were perfectly reflected in the
water of this cosy harbour. The engine of each pickup truck echoed off the rocks
surrounding the harbour with precision as men arrived down to the boat ramp to
start their working day. I rowed ashore from the small sailboat I lived on to wait
for DJ.1 He greeted me with some surprise, and warmth, and agreed to take me out
on the small creel boat2 he usually worked on by himself around the
one day, I suggested that he might enjoy sailing with another
fisherman who had a small dinghy. Alex was a successful young fishing skipper
with almost 20 years of experience of working on the water. He replied forcefully ‘I
don’t think so! That is just too fucking close to the water for me. They had the thing
capsized too! No thanks. Not fun for someone who can’t swim’. Didn’t his school
have access to a swimming pool? I asked. He replied:
I went to the pool with my school, but in Primary 7 the pool manager got pissed
[drunk], sitting in the office, not watching