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the most substantial dimensions to cope with, recover from and adapt to the impacts of disasters. The wealth dimension encompasses indicators such as food consumption and financial assistance which are necessary to build resilience in local communities. Similarly, the DRLA and UEH (2012) also highlight psychosocial status as a dimension of resilience as the psychological condition and well-being of household members is often adversely affected in the short term and potentially long term depending, in part, upon the effectiveness of the household’s ties. Wealth
and quantified criteria, through the analyses produced by the IPC tool, which aggregates information from a number of sources (e.g. about food consumption, nutrition, and mortality outcomes) into five Phases, from Phase 1 (no acute food insecurity) to Phase 5 (famine). Famine is not a rhetorical and emotive term anymore: it is determined by three major quantified parameters: mortality, 4 wasting 5 and food consumption. 6 Then, when various degrees of ‘famine’ could be
of crimes ( Najibi, 2020 ). Another aspect of power relations being intertwined with data production is given in François Enten’s article in this issue. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification tool has been developed since 2004 to classify the risk of famine. It involves different indicators – on mortality, wasting, and food consumption – and defines different categories of crisis – food insecurity, humanitarian emergency, and famine. Enten shows how power
. ➣ Affected area (+ affected facilities, schools) ➣ Economic matters ➣ Food consumption/food production
analysis systems in each country were analysed. IPC/CH analysis is based on information from a number of sources – typically World Food Programme surveys for food security and SMART (Standardised Methods for Assessment of Relief and Transition) surveys for nutrition and mortality information. 4 At the core of IPC analysis is a reference table that aggregates information about food consumption, livelihoods, nutrition and mortality outcomes into
This book explores the new applications of established theories or adapts theoretical approaches in order to illuminate behaviour in the field of food. It focuses on social processes at the downstream end of the food chain, processes of distribution and consumption. The book reviews the existing disciplinary approaches to understanding judgements about food taste. It suggests that the quality 'halal' is the result of a social and economic consensus between the different generations and cultures of migrant Muslims as distinct from the non-Muslim majority. Food quality is to be viewed in terms of emergent cognitive paradigms sustained within food product networks that encompass a wide range of social actors with a wide variety of intermediaries, professional and governmental. The creation of the Food Standards Agency (FSA) and the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) occurred at a juncture when perceptions of policy failure were acknowledged at United Kingdom and European Union governmental levels. The book presents a case study of retailer-led food governance in the UK to examine how different 'quality logics' actually collide in the competitive world of food consumption and production. It argues that concerns around food safety were provoked by the emergence of a new food aesthetic based on 'relationalism' and 'embeddedness'. The book also argues that the study of the arguments and discourses deployed to criticise or otherwise qualify consumption is important to the political morality of consumption.
Over the last two decades, global demand for kosher products has been growing steadily, and many non-religious consumers view kosher as a healthy food option: in the US over 60 per cent of kosher food consumption is linked to non-religious values associated with health and food quality. This book explores the emergence and expansion of global kosher and halal markets with a particular focus on the UK and Denmark. While Kosher is a Hebrew term meaning 'fit' or 'proper', halal is an Arabic word that literally means 'permissible' or 'lawful'. The book discusses the manufacture and production of kosher and halal meat (both red meat and poultry) with specific reference to audits/inspections, legislation, networking, product innovation and certification. It draws on contemporary empirical material to explore kosher and halal comparatively at different levels of the social scale, such as individual consumption, the marketplace, religious organisations and the state. It compares the major markets for kosher/halal in the UK with those in Denmark, where kosher/halal are important to smaller groups of religious consumers. Denmark plays an important role in biotechnology that is compatible with what we call kosher/halal transnational governmentality. The book explores how Jewish and Muslim consumers in the UK and Denmark understand and practice kosher consumption in their everyday lives. It also explores how 'compound practice' links eating with issues such as health and spirituality, for example, and with the influence of secularism and ritual.
chap 8 13/8/04 4:24 pm Page 176 8 The political morality of food: discourses, contestation and alternative consumption Roberta Sassatelli Anthropology and sociology have been keen to show that consumption is a social and moral field, and that consumer practices are part of an ongoing process of negotiation of social classifications and hierarchies. Food consumption in particular has been associated with symbolically mediated notions of order (Douglas and Isherwood 1979). We know that particular foods are identified with annual festivities, set apart for
writers, from a range of disciplines, including neoclassical economists, psychologists and socio-biologists. He concludes that biological and psychological perspectives, fitted into frameworks of evolutionary economics, have much to tell us about the formation of preferences, and economists should be open to such diverse approaches if they are to understand the relationship between innovation and demand. Chapter 6, by Mark Tomlinson and Andrew McMeekin, looks at the routine nature of food consumption. The existence of consumption routines is particularly significant for
140 5 Halal consumers In this chapter we explore how Muslim consumers in the UK and Denmark understand and practice halal consumption in their everyday lives. Following on from Chapters 3 and 4, the specific focus is how consumers make sense of buying/eating meat and non-meat products. As in the previous chapter, another important theme explored is how Muslim consumers understand and practice everyday (halal) food consumption in the UK and Denmark. We build on but also move beyond existing research on halal consumption in the everyday lives of Muslims in a