As India has risen economically and militarily in recent years, its political clout on the global stage has also seen a commensurate increase. From the peripheries of international affairs, India is now at the centre of major power politics. It is viewed as a major balancer in the Asia-Pacific, a major democracy that can be a major ally of the West in countering China even as India continues to challenge the West on a whole range of issues – non-proliferation, global trade and climate change. Indian foreign policy was driven by a sense of idealism since its independence in 1947. India viewed global norms as important as it kept a leash on the interests of great powers and gave New Delhi “strategic autonomy” to pursue its interests. But as India itself has emerged as a major global power, its foreign policy has moved towards greater “strategic realism.” This book is an overview of Indian foreign policy as it has evolved in recent times. The focus of the book is on the 21st century with historical context provided as appropriate. It will be an introductory book on Indian foreign policy and is not intended to be a detailed examination of any of its particular aspects. It examines India’s relationships with major powers, with its neighbours and other regions, as well as India’s stand on major global issues. The central argument of the book is that with a gradual accretion in its powers, India has become more aggressive in the pursuit of its interests, thereby emerging as an important player in the shaping of the global order in the new millennium.
The European Union (EU), including its earlier formations, is a major economic and political actor in the region. This book seeks to gain insight into how EU practitioners consider the policy for which they have direct responsibility. It argues that a specific focus on practitioners' (diplomats, bureaucrats, and public officials) interactions can offer insight into the way EU foreign policy is practised. The book examines the data drawn from research interviews with EU practitioners who work on EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova. The ways that practitioners manage identity, normative, moral, and collective interest concerns are crucial for international relations (IR) theory, and for understanding EU foreign policy. The book illustrates the factors that have guided the path of the practice theory towards an application within IR and EU scholarship, and explains the notion of indexicality and the subsequent social action. It demonstrates the ways in which EU practitioners both co-construct and deconstruct the concept of the 'European' during research interviews, and focuses on norms and the functions of norms in EU foreign policy. Implying a vocational element to justify the necessary course of action that the EU ought to pursue in its eastern neighbourhood is not new. Practioners ought to be aware that the way in which they practise foreign policy is just as important as the policy itself. They have identified energy security as the most pressing common security interest that unites EU member states' interest into a collective interest, in the eastern neighbourhood.
The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
This edited volume examines how and under which conditions foreign policy
analysis can be enriched by “domestic realm” public policy approaches, concepts,
and theories. Public policy scholars dealing with the analysis of domestic
policy fields, such as social and economic policy, interior affairs, or
environmental policy, use a broad array of heuristics, concepts, and theories,
including, for example, multiple streams, advocacy coalition or punctuated
equilibrium approaches. However, the possible contribution of such approaches to
the analysis of foreign policy has yet to be fully explored. With this purpose
in mind, this edited volume devotes a chapter each on a selection of arguably
the most important domestic public policy approaches and examines their
transferability and adaptability to foreign policy analysis. Thereby the book
points out how bridging the intra-disciplinary divide between the analysis of
public policy and foreign policy can enrich foreign policy studies and shows how
exactly foreign policy analysis can benefit from broadening its instruments for
analysis. The edited volume also discusses under what conditions such a transfer
is less promising due to the “sui generis” character of foreign policy.
3835 Understanding Chinese:Layout 1
China’s rise – the emergence, or more accurately re-emergence, of
China as a major power – is the single most important geo-political
trend of the early twenty-first century. Its sustained high-level
economic growth since the late 1970s has catapulted the PRC from
being a very large but relatively poor country with a limited geopolitical footprint to being the emerging power of the twenty-first
century with a major impact on all aspects of Asian and global affairs.
China has become
Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy examines the relationship between secrecy, power and interpretation around international political controversy, where foreign policy orthodoxy comes up hard against alternative interpretations. It does so in the context of American foreign policy during the War on Terror, a conflict that was quintessentially covert and conspiratorial. This book adds a new dimension to the debate by examining what I coin the ‘Arab-Muslim paranoia narrative’: the view that Arab-Muslim resentment towards America was motivated to some degree by a paranoid perception of American power in the Middle East. Immediately after 9/11, prominent commentators pointed to an Arab-Muslim culture of blame and a related tendency towards conspiracy theories about America’s regional influence as an important cultural driver of anti-Americanism. This narrative subsequently made its way into numerous US Government policy documents and initiatives advancing a War of Ideas strategy aimed at winning the ‘hearts and minds’ of Arab-Muslims. The book provides a novel reading of the processes through which legitimacy and illegitimacy is produced in foreign policy discourses. It will also appeal to a wider cross-disciplinary audience interested in the burgeoning issues of conspiracy, paranoia, and popular knowledge, including their relationship to and consequences for contemporary politics.
This chapter addresses two key
objectives of this book identified in the introductory chapter. It makes a
case for a new theoretical approach to the study of the European Union as a
global actor based explicitly upon an adapted foreignpolicy analysis. It
also seeks to broaden the focus of the analysis from the Common Foreign and
Security Policy to the much more broadly based concept of European foreign
The foreignpolicy of the European Union
is in many ways a puzzle to students of international relations. Doubts
about whether there is in reality a European foreignpolicy contrast with
empirical observations of the considerable influence exerted by the EU, if
not always in the international system at large, then at least in Europe.
Such observations imply that the EU has a ‘foreignpolicy’ of
Types of engagement with our others are made possible through discourses structured by representation, whereas alternative pathways are precluded. Representation and foreignpolicy are intimately connected, yet how states respond to representations about themselves requires further consideration.
The purpose of this book is to demonstrate how representation and recognition of one state by another influence foreignpolicy. This chapter focuses on illustrating the links between representation and foreignpolicy. I argue that representation and
What explains the similarities and differences in the foreignpolicy behaviour of Middle East states? The relative explanatory weight carried by domestic politics versus that of the systemic arenas in which states operate is a matter of some dispute between pluralists on the one hand, and realists and structuralists on the other. On the face of it, if the domestic level is determinant, as pluralists tend to argue, different kinds of states should follow different foreignpolicies and similar ones similar policies. If the systemic level is