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It must be considered the first modern multinational company in the global watch industry. Founded in 1941 to produce military equipment, after the war it focused on the mass production of Roskopf watches and adopted an active policy of foreigndirect
This book contributes to the construction of an integrated analysis of Brazilian
foreign policy by focusing on the country's insertion into both the
regional and global system over the roughly twenty-five years through to the end
of Dilma's first term as president in 2014. An attempt is made to order the
discussion through exploration of a series of themes, which are further broken
down into key component parts. The first section presents the context, with
chapters on institutional structures and the tactical behaviours exhibited by
the country's diplomacy, which will be used to guide the analysis in
subsequent chapters. The second focuses on issues, taking in trade policies, the
rise of Brazilian foreign direct investment, security policy and
multilateralism. Key relationships are covered in the final section,
encompassing Latin America, the Global South, the US and China. A central
contradiction is the clear sense that Brazilian foreign policy makers want to
position their country as leader, but are almost pathologically averse to
explicitly stating this role or accepting the implicit responsibilities. The
recurrent theme is the rising confusion about what Brazil's international
identity is, what it should be, and what this means Brazil can and should do. A
repeated point made is that foreign policy is an important and often overloooked
aspect of domestic policies. The Dilma presidency does hold an important place
in the analytical narrative of this book, particularly with respect to the
chapters on trade, Brazil Inc., security policy and bilateral relations with the
US and China.
This long-awaited volume featuring contributions from top African international lawyers and voices from the continent critically explores the notion of international investment law from an African perspective. It does so by confronting some of the very hard questions with regard to the relationship between international investment and development that have either eluded or not been properly addressed in contemporary scholarships. After many years of popularity, investment treaties have recently caused increasing concern among States, most prominently for the unbalanced nature of their content, the often inadequate safeguard of the regulatory powers of the host State and the shortcomings of international investment arbitration. Some States have upgraded their investment treaties, others have revised their investment treaty model, and others have opted for facilitation agreements. This innovative monograph critically explores all these contentious issues from a multidisciplinary perspective.
least seven years before the pundits realised there was anything wrong. This is
because the source of its growth – foreigndirectinvestment – was drying up. The
same mechanisms that created Irish economic growth in the 1990s also limited its
longer-term stability, as the world economy went through economic cycles
including periodic economic crises where there was insufficient demand for
corporate output of the kind that had concentrated in Ireland.
Concurrently, the class alliances that benefited from growth – banks, financial
institutions, the building sectors
connection with development
and foreigndirectinvestment (FDI), it is in the traditional sense,
which refers to creating a social, political and legal environment
conducive to the business climate.
Some authors consider that ‘a favourable climate
[for business] would include access to finance and imported inputs,
enforcement of contracts, reliable regulatory standards, adequate
fundamentally sound. This
was based on attracting ForeignDirectInvestment by identifying areas
where Ireland had a comparative advantage. These were primarily an
attractive rate of corporation tax and competiveness in wage costs.
The model, it is suggested, only went wrong because of certain policy
decisions taken in the first decade of the twenty-first century. These
primarily relate to a failure to adjust taxes and public spending. As
Fitzgerald put it, ‘What should have happened is that from at least
2003, fiscal policy should have been progressively tightened. This
adopts the perspective of the MNE towards IIL and discusses whether
and if so, to what extent, corporations care about investment
treaties and the availability of investor–state dispute
resolution (ISDS) when making decisions on foreigndirectinvestment
(FDI). It is submitted that corporations care generally about the
protection of property rights and investment safety, which are
well as in state revenues. Despite becoming a net oil importer in 2006, and a net natural gas importer in 2012, Egypt remains heavily dependent on crude oil and gas for its foreign currency earnings. Directly, crude oil and natural gas still represent 35–40 per cent of total merchandise exports and receive around 60 per cent of net foreigndirectinvestment (FDI) inflows. Indirectly, the Egyptian economy depends on workers’ remittances, namely, from migrant workers in oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in addition to large capital transfers in the form
foreigndirectinvestment (FDI) to sustain economic change, especially job creation.
State-led capitalism, especially in rapid expansionist mode concerning mega-projects, provides some income, as does hedging in the non-oil sector, but it is not adept at providing jobs, which is a key aspect for economic development and social cohesion. The Saudi Deputy Minister for Economic Affairs Abdulaziz Al-Rasheed noted in 2018 that job creation is important since 100,000 Saudis joined the workforce in the final quarter of 2017 alone (Kane, 2018
ForeignDirectInvestment , (4 e
L’arbitrage est communément
défini comme « un mode privé de
règlement des litiges fondé sur la convention des
parties ; il se caractérise par la soumission d’un
litige à de simples particuliers choisis par les