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Over half of England's secondary schools are now academies. The social and cultural outcomes prompted by this neoliberal educational model has received less scrutiny. This book draws on original research based at Dreamfields Academy, to show how the accelerated marketization and centralization of education is reproducing raced, classed and gendered inequalities. Urbanderry is a socially and economically mixed borough where poverty and gentrification coexist. The book sketches out the key features of Dreamfields' ethos before reflecting on the historical trajectories that underpin how education, urban space and formations of race, class and gender are discussed in the present. Academies have faced opposition for their lack of democratic accountability as they can set their own labour conditions, deviate from the national curriculum and operate outside local authority control. The book examines the complex stories underlying Dreamfields' glossy veneer of success and shows how students, teachers and parents navigate the everyday demands of Dreamfields' results-driven conveyor belt. It also examines how hierarchies are being reformulated. The book interrogates the social and cultural dimensions of this gift that seeks to graft more 'suitable' forms of capital onto its students. The focus is on the conditions underlying this gift's exchange with children, parents and teachers, remaining conscious of how value is generated from the power, perspective and relationships that create the initial conditions of possibility for exchange. Dreamfields acts as a symbolic and material response to the supposed failures of comprehensive education and public anxieties over the loss of nationhood and prestige of empire.
Introduction The international community contributed nearly US$31 billion to humanitarian assistance in 2020, a figure that has steadily risen over the last half decade ( DI, 2021 ). Within bilateral and multilateral funding circles, there has been a strong and growing emphasis on the importance of understanding and responding to gender inequalities in emergency settings. For instance, recognising that conflicts and disasters affect people across various genders, ages and backgrounds differently, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of
In 2018, the global #MeToo movement turned its attention to the aid industry, after scandals at Oxfam and Save the Children highlighted the sexual harassment, abuse and assault prevalent in the sector. This article explores #MeToo in the context of the aid industry (informally known by many participants as #AidToo), particularly within a British context. The article argues that the aid industry exists in a historical, social and political space that is particularly volatile. The abusive behaviour of men in the sector is shaped and enabled by race, class and gender inequalities, which undermine many of the stated aims of international aid programmes. The humanitarian and development aid sector will not eradicate this behaviour until it recognises how it is enabled and encouraged by these inequalities. The article argues that the aid sector needs to develop an ethical code of conduct around sexual relationships, harassment and abuse that recognises power inequalities within the sector and seeks to protect vulnerable individuals.
), ‘patriarchy’ refers to a system of power relations based on gender norms, and which perpetuates the privileging of hegemonic masculinities, heteronormativity, cisgender-normativity and normative endosex bodies. Patriarchy is the foundation of gender inequalities, understood as the inequalities rooted in people’s sexual orientation, gender identity and expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) and sex – and/or ‘the degree to which they conform with gender norms and the
exploitation, they become ‘heroines’ ( Cornwall et al. , 2007 : 3) when ‘empowered’ (by humanitarian actors) ( Cornwall, 2014 : 131). A CARE (2018) report on women and girls in emergencies states: ‘Women and girls are at the heart of the transition from crisis to stability…. Investment in women’s empowerment … can provide families with sustainable sources of income and livelihoods’ (18). Empowering women and girls often remains central to actions needed to tackle gender inequality
dimension of these types of acts; in other words, the relationship between women’s subordinate status in society and their increased vulnerability to violence ( UNHCR, 2003 ). GBV is a complicated challenge embedded in displaced people’s lived experiences throughout the conflict displacement cycle. Violence reinforcing gender inequalities is rooted in pre-conflict conditions, increases during hostilities and becomes an accepted practice during conflict and
because, as they point out, it is naturalised to such a degree from the early stages of life that it becomes seen as something ordinary, unremarkable, accepted even. This, to be sure, has implications for the ways in which women perceive gender inequality as an issue in their lives, and in Northern Irish society in general, as the next section explains
inequalities that working-class women were likely to experience in the workplace. At the same time, there was a growing commitment from policy makers and the main political parties to understanding and addressing gender inequality as a political issue. This chapter argues that the growing politicisation of gender inequality in the workplace was part of a broader transition in public understandings of gender roles taking place in post-war Britain. Lynn Abrams shows how women born in the 1940s grew up with different expectations to their mothers, whilst Helen McCarthy argues
of class, gender and generation all had significant roles in shaping working people’s experience of life, labour and leisure. When we compare the free time of women and men, there can be little doubt that working-class men were the chief beneficiaries of the increased leisure opportunities and surplus incomes in working-class families of the late nineteenth century. The era of mass commercial leisure compounded gender inequalities and set the tone for the twentieth century. Until the Second World War, working-class womens’ experience of mass leisure was severely
engage in debates surrounding class and gender inequality in light of second-wave feminism and the fracturing postwar settlement. The chapter will inspect how each series negotiated a changing public and political attitude towards crime that was increasingly sympathetic to the rational-actor model of thinking. Production context The Sweeney and