Tea on the terrace takes readers on a journey up and down the Nile with archaeologists and Egyptologists. Travellers such as Americans Theodore Davis, Emma Andrews, and James Breasted, as well as Britons Wallace Budge, Maggie Benson, and Howard Carter arrived in Alexandria, moved on to Cairo, travelled up the Nile by boat and train, and visited Luxor. Throughout the journey, readers spend some time with them at their hotels and on their boats. We listen in on their conversations, watch their activities, and begin to understand that much archaeological work was not done at the field site or in the university museum, as many historians have argued. Instead, understanding the politics of conversation in the social studies of science, the book shows that hotels in Egypt on the way to and from home institutions and excavation sites were liminal, but powerful and central, spaces which became foundations for establishing careers, building and strengthening scientific networks, and generating and experimenting with new ideas. These are familiar stories to readers, but Tea on the terrace presents them in a new framework to show Egyptologists’ activities in a seemingly familiar but unknown space. A mix of archaeological tourism and the history of Egyptology, the book is based on original archival research, using letters, diaries, biographies, and travel guides as well as secondary sources.
. 9 Using the framework of scholarship on geographies of knowledge creation in science and on social and professional networks in science alongside an examination of the professional behaviours of many archaeologists working in Egypt, I will show that the hotel environment should be centralised by historians because it showcases the sociality and sociability of science, illuminating how scientists play with and produce knowledge in the most casual of settings. A reappraisal of Egyptology The chapters
England and the Question of Class, 1848–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), ch. 13, ‘Stages of Class: Popular Theatre and Geographies of Knowledge’. 197 198 The performance of politics 3 Jim Davis, ‘Boxing Day’, in Tracy C. Davis and Peter Holland (eds), The Performing Century: Nineteenth-Century Theatre’s History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 13–31.
its theoretical foundation the history and philosophy of science, in which there is a rich tradition of investigating the role of communication among practitioners using Ludwik Fleck’s theory of ‘thought collectives’, Bruno Latour’s actor- network theory, and the geography of knowledge (Fleck, 1979 ; Livingstone, 2003; Latour, 2005; Shapin, 2010). Fleck (1979 ) argued that the production of scientific knowledge is largely a social process which depends upon not only the actors themselves, but the cultural and historical contexts of their work. Related
. 22 Steinfeld, Playing Our Game , p. 148; E. Dieter , A New Geography of Knowledge in the Electronics Industry? Asia’s Role in Global Innovation Networks , East-West Center, Policy Studies No. 54 ( Honolulu, HI , East-West Center , 2009 ), pp. 1 , 21
to show how archaeological knowledge is produced through the interaction of individual and collective processes of networking that develop within specific geographies of knowledge (in our ROBERTS 9781526134554 PRINT.indd 66 03/12/2019 08:56 Digging dilettanti67 case the particular institutional setting of foreign institutes in Rome) and through both structured collaborations and informal conversations between archaeologists and non-archaeological actors. The data we present especially reveal to what extent scholarly concerns about archaeological inexperience
of knowledge production (Lawhon, 2020 ). Making urban theory is a personal, theoretical, and empirical reflection on the ‘southern urban critique’ and the process of, appropriately, making urban theory. She discusses and explores many of the themes that cut across the pages of this volume. Central to her thinking and writing is embracing uneasiness. This includes coming to terms with the
the People: A Study in English Political Culture, c.1815–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Patrick Joyce, Visions of the People: Industrial England and the Question of Class, 1848–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) – chapter 13 of which, ‘Stages of Class: Popular Theatre and Geographies of Knowledge’, is particularly important for this book; see also his The Rule of Freedom: Liberalism and the Modern City (London: Verso, 2003); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History 1832–1982 (Cambridge
reverse is also true, that is, who is allowed to create knowledge depends on where science is done (e.g. Naylor, 2002, 2005; Livingstone, 2007; Livingstone and Withers, 2011; Terrall, 2014). Geography of knowledge determines how relationships within scientific networks operate depending on where they were built, where they operate, and where and how their knowledge is spread. To comprehend this, it is crucial to understand who is interacting at different types of site such as universities, excavation sites, museum offices, private homes, hotel dining rooms, and formal
everyday practice of today’s archaeologists: for instance, his site reports are usually a starting point for research, and his writings have been used in the construction of contemporary identities (Babić, 2001: 173; 2002; Cvjetićanin, 2011: 151). Having in mind the important role of Felix Kanitz in Serbian archaeology, the aim of this chapter is to shed light on the context of his research in the field. In order to complete this task, I shall use theoretical insights from geography of knowledge (Naylor, 2002, 2005; Livingstone, 2007; Livingstone and Withers, 2011