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Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers

5217P GLOBAL JUSTICE-PT/lb.qxd 13/1/09 19:59 Page 28 2 Networks, global civil society and global justice networks In this chapter our purpose is to fuse together recent theorisations about the resistance to neoliberalism with broader debates that seek to conceptualise changes in society more generally, stemming from processes of globalisation. The latter, typified by the work of Manuel Castells, perceive of a fundamental qualitative shift in both the organisation and relations of human society brought about by globalisation processes. The network concept has

in Global justice networks
Geographies of transnational solidarity

This book provides a critical investigation of what has been termed the ‘global justice movement’. Through a detailed study of a grassroots peasants' network in Asia (People's Global Action); an international trade union network (the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mining and General Workers); and the Social Forum process, it analyses some of the global justice movement's component parts, operational networks and their respective dynamics, strategies and practices. The authors argue that the emergence of new globally connected forms of collective action against neoliberal globalisation are indicative of a range of variously place-specific forms of political agency that coalesce across geographic space at particular times, in specific places and in a variety of ways. They also argue that, rather than being indicative of a coherent ‘movement’, such forms of political agency contain many political and geographical fissures and fault-lines, and are best conceived of as ‘global justice networks’: overlapping, interacting, competing and differentially placed and resourced networks that articulate demands for social, economic and environmental justice. Such networks, and the social movements that comprise them, characterise emergent forms of trans-national political agency. The authors argue that the role of key geographical concepts of space, place and scale are crucial to an understanding of the operational dynamics of such networks. Such an analysis challenges key current assumptions in the literature about the emergence of a global civil society.

Jannika Brostrom

T HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES the use of moral suasion in cases of violence, justified as humanitarian intervention. It argues that rather than this being reflective of normative shifts in world politics brought about by global civil society, it can be explained by referring to the role of power and interests. After an examination of how supporters of global civil society

in Violence and the state
Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers

. (Morales, 1998: 125)1 Our concern in this book has been to go beyond the simplistic and superficial gloss on the growing resistance to neoliberal globalisation as an emergent global civil society. In the preceding chapters we have done this by critiquing existing discourses and developing our own conceptualisation of Global Justice Networks (GJNs) which we have then grounded through three case studies: PGA (Asia), ICEM and the Social Forum process. We consider each of these examples of GJNs, comprising differentially-placed and resourced social movements, trade unions

in Global justice networks
Chris Armstrong

set of duties additional to or even competing with duties to fellow nationals; and finally an emerging world-wide democratic public sphere, or ‘global civil society’. Section 1 examines the ‘universal’ discourse on human rights and human responsibilities, to assess some of its political implications. The assessment here is in fact fairly sceptical, for two reasons. Firstly, if a regime of global citizenship based on human rights is emerging, it appears in practice to be taking a broadly neoliberal form. And, secondly, despite the universal language of human rights

in Rethinking Equality
Abstract only
Kimberly Hutchings

distinctions drawn between those within and those without state borders. The development of global civil society is therefore a logical development of Enlightenment reason, as is the European Union (1998: 189–211). On Linklater’s interpretation the analysis of global civil society is necessarily linked to his broader progressivist narrative, in which liberal Enlightenment reason plays the crucial role. This does not mean that Linklater is claiming that all activity in global civil society is necessarily progressive. But he is providing a way of distinguishing between the

in Time and world politics
The representation account
Darren Halpin

here is that democratic enhancement relies on groups possessing and practising internal democracy. As such these groups are likely to be poor agents of democratization (Warleigh 2001, 623). As the early rush to endorse the global civil society revolution subsides, commentators and scholars are generally becoming more cautious about the ‘idea of civil society as panacea’ (Glasius et al. 2006, 21). According to Collingwood and Logister (2005, 179), one of the key criticisms has been that there are insufficient procedural constraints on INGOs

in Groups, representation and democracy
Darren Halpin

desire to address the democratic deficit in global governance, some (e.g. Held 1995) have advocated strengthening IGOs and/or working towards establishing a form of global government. But many scholars have also advocated an engagement with (organized) global civil society – or International NGOs (INGOs) – as a way to move forward (see for example Keck and Sikkink 1998; Scholte 2000, 2002; Van Rooy 2004; Falk 2006). Some, such as Risse (2006, 195), argue that ‘transnational governance arrangements ought to include “external stakeholders” as a way of improving both

in Groups, representation and democracy
Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers

s. In contrast to the more sporadic nature of past forms of transnational mobilisation, more sustained global networks of solidarity have been established that link up hitherto disparate local struggles to broader movements and agendas. The movement – according to your political standpoint – has been variously described as: heralding the creation of a global civil society capable of correcting a perceived democratic deficit in the new world order; posing a revolutionary challenge to global capitalism; and constructing alternative social and political spaces that

in Global justice networks
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Louise Amoore

, to consider the complexity of patterns of solidarity, collaboration, fragmentation and dissent. There seems to be some comfort taken in IPE from the idea that organised labour may be a ‘voice’ for global civil society. But, in normative terms, is a single channel or formal voice what is being looked for? Following E. P. Thompson, a unified body of collective consciousness must always be wrought from something, and will necessarily draw boundaries and exclude practices. The practices of ‘insider’ workers, of whatever form, will have their ‘outsider’ counterparts

in Globalisation contested