An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
As we began discussing international affairs and strategy, Amorim’s speech assumed a
calm, professorial cadence. ‘Globaldisorder’ undermines international cooperation,
he suggested soberly. And there is a need to rescue human rights discourse, despite the hypocrisy
and selectivity of its liberal proponents.
Amorim leant forward when I brought up Brazil’s recent withdrawal from the world stage.
As foreign minister throughout the two presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva,
from 2003 to 2011, he guided
This book focuses on the paradoxical character of law and specifically concerns the structural violence of law as the political imposition of normative order onto a "lawless" condition. The paradox of law which grounds and motivates Christoph Menke's intervention is that law is both the opposite of violence and, at the same time, a form of violence. The book develops its engagement with the paradox of law in two stages. The first shows why, and in what precise sense, the law is irreducibly characterized by structural violence. The second explores the possibility of law becoming self-reflectively aware of its own violence and, hence, of the form of a self-critique of law in view of its own violence. The Book's philosophical claims are developed through analyses of works of drama: two classical tragedies in the first part and two modern dramas in the second part. It attempts to illuminate the paradoxical nature of law by way of a philosophical interpretation of literature. There are at least two normative orders within the European ethical horizon that should be called "legal orders" even though they forego the use of coercion and are thus potentially nonviolent. These are international law and Jewish law. Understanding the relationship between law and violence is one of the most urgent challenges a postmodern critical legal theory faces today. Self-reflection, the philosophical concept that plays a key role in the essay, stands opposed to all forms of spontaneity.
Coinciding locales of refuge among Sahrawi refugees in North
in Other Words of migrants from Other Worlds who do not want to be the sitting-waiting refugee anymore, but strike further out from incorporeal (dystopian) refugee camps to reach the world beyond that holds the promise of a full-bodied (utopian) life. Discussion of refuge in its old sense seems redundant to me because at the very least we might want to start thinking instead about refugees on the move. In which case, the Sahrawi are experts as nomadic ‘movers’ and as hosts.
Globaldisorder and local order
Over the past
’ that covered the spectrum in exactly this way
(Cabinet Office 2008 ; MoD 2010 ).
The contemporary security spectrum which the risk matrix
addresses appears to be characterised by three inescapable megatrends
that have manifested themselves in the decade since
2008: increased globaldisorder involving a sharp decline in the
long-standing rules of international order; much greater complexity and
volatility in the workings of global politics; and a return to the
prospect of interstate strategic and military
The management of migration between care and control
C. Calhoun , ‘ The Idea of Emergency: Humanitarian Action
and Global (Dis)Order ’, in D. Fassin
and M. Pandolfi (eds), Contemporary States of Emergency: The Politics of Military and
Humanitarian Interventions ( New
York : Zone Books , 2010 ), pp. 29 – 58 .
J. Jeandesboz and P
and GlobalDisorder (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006).
78 Caitriona Dowd and Clionadh Raleigh, ‘The myth of global Islamic terrorism
and local conflict in Mali and the Sahel’, African Affairs, 112:148 (2013), 1–12,
see p. 1.
The European Union’s fight against terrorism
79 Arianna J. Robbins, ‘All terrorism is local? A quantitative analysis of Al Qaeda
affiliation and rebel group behavior’, The Eagle Feather, 11 (2014), available online at: http://eaglefeather.honors.unt.edu/2014/article/324#.VWV_
RJXbLIW (accessed May 2015).
80 Richard Jackson, ‘Constructing
law’s autonomy as an evolutionary process
in which the emergence of law is tied to the political community of the
citizens. This nexus is not self-evident. In particular, the dynamic nature
of evolving legal frameworks in the transnational constellation raises the
question of how plausible it still is for a “law in globaldisorder.”11
Postmodern legal theory as critical theory
In the era of Westphalian sovereignty, the notion that legal and constitutional processes were bound up with the polity was plausible. A law
outside the polity was virtually
being a miscreant, the US exercises ‘the kind of enlightened self-interest that, in practice, comes dangerously close to resembling generosity’.26
Thus, while economic analyses view the actions of the US as an attempt
to deal with the threat to its international position posed by economic
decline and global capitalist crisis, geopolitical accounts maintain that its
behaviour in the war on terror has been driven principally by a need to
address problems of globaldisorder and to meet the humanitarian challenges posed by failed and rogue states. In this context
of humanity bound together necessitated respect for the
sovereign right to non-interference and the boundaries between
different political systems. Enforcing a substantive commitment to
specific goals and forms of legal and social organisation – such as
human rights or liberal political systems – risked snapping those
connecting threads and precipitating international disintegration
and wider globaldisorder. Breaching the thin, protective membrane of sovereignty risked destabilising the global commitment
to cultural and social diversity that is tacit in
(eds) ( 2018 ), Forced Migration: Current Issues and Debates ( London : Routledge ).
Calhoun , C.
( 2010 ), The idea of emergency: humanitarian action and global (dis)order . In Fassin , D. and M.
Pandolfi (eds) Contemporary States of Emergency: The Politics of Military and Humanitarian Interventions ( New York : Zone Books ), pp. 29