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Geographies of transnational solidarity

This book provides a critical investigation of what has been termed the ‘global justice movement’. Through a detailed study of a grassroots peasants' network in Asia (People's Global Action); an international trade union network (the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mining and General Workers); and the Social Forum process, it analyses some of the global justice movement's component parts, operational networks and their respective dynamics, strategies and practices. The authors argue that the emergence of new globally connected forms of collective action against neoliberal globalisation are indicative of a range of variously place-specific forms of political agency that coalesce across geographic space at particular times, in specific places and in a variety of ways. They also argue that, rather than being indicative of a coherent ‘movement’, such forms of political agency contain many political and geographical fissures and fault-lines, and are best conceived of as ‘global justice networks’: overlapping, interacting, competing and differentially placed and resourced networks that articulate demands for social, economic and environmental justice. Such networks, and the social movements that comprise them, characterise emergent forms of trans-national political agency. The authors argue that the role of key geographical concepts of space, place and scale are crucial to an understanding of the operational dynamics of such networks. Such an analysis challenges key current assumptions in the literature about the emergence of a global civil society.

Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers

5217P GLOBAL JUSTICE-PT/lb.qxd 1111 2 3 4 5111 6 7 8 9 10111 11 12 3111 4 5 6 7 8 9 20111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40 1 42111 13/1/09 19:59 Page 1 1 Neoliberalism and its discontents A new global ‘movement’ has arisen over the past decade to confront global capitalism. The emergence of what has been termed the global justice movement (GJM) is the most significant development in counter-systemic politics (Wallerstein, 2002) since the end of the Cold War. In the wake of the ‘End of History’ pronouncements (Fukuyama, 1992), celebrating the

in Global justice networks
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Clowning and mass protest
Alister Wedderburn

of names, including the ‘global justice movement’ (e.g. Bogad, 2016 ), the ‘movement of movements’ (e.g. Harvie, Milburn, Trott et al., 2005 ; Klein, 2002 ) or less charitably the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ 1 – has two intertwining and mutually constitutive purposes. On the one hand, it seeks to challenge the violence that sustains a system in which a handful of national governments claim a global mandate for market-led programmes of development (cf. Blair, 2005 ). On the other, it attempts to create alternative modes of association and affinity that reach

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
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Activism and design in Italy
Author: Ilaria Vanni

Precarious objects is a book about activism and design. The context is the changes in work and employment from permanent to precarious arrangements in the twenty-first century in Italy. The book presents design interventions that address precarity as a defuturing force affecting political, social and material conditions. Precarious objects shows how design objects, called here ‘orientation devices’, recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life. Three microhistories illustrate activist repertoires that bring into play design, and design practices that are grounded in activism. While the vitality, experimental nature and traffic between theory and praxis of social movements in Italy have consistently attracted the interest of activists, students and researchers in diverse fields, there exists little in the area of design research. This is a study of design activism at the intersection of design theory and cultural research for researchers and students interested in design studies, cultural studies, social movements and Italian studies.

The Trade Justice Movement
Stephen R. Hurt

Labour governments have subscribed to … the ostensibly mutually beneficial nature of international trade and FDI’ ( 2004 : 52). However, at the turn of the century and the period beginning with the protests at the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial in Seattle in 1999, it seemed like the emergent global justice movement could offer an avenue for counter-hegemonic struggle which would be able to challenge the ideas and institutions of global governance, particularly those governing world trade. Hence, the theoretical concerns of this

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
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Alister Wedderburn

, it is perhaps unsurprising that many of the most prominent global social movements of recent years have drawn upon a different emotional, tonal and methodological range from (for example) the ‘global justice movement’ of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The Black Lives Matter movement and the global school strikes taking place as part of youth-led demands for serious and immediate action on climate change (to take just two examples) demonstrate little interest in humour as a rhetorical technique or as a tactical methodology (which is not at all to say that their

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
Martin Upchurch and Darko Marinković

case of transformation states as a ‘fourth actor’ in terms of their ability to shape the emerging industrial relations’ systems. While the relationship between organised labour and the IFIs over the recent past has been contested, from 1999 the policy approach of the IFIs shifted to a more consultative one contained in the ‘Second Generation Reforms’.1 The shift took place in the aftermath of the 1997 East Asian financial crash and is a response both to the global justice movement and to internal IFI concern at the seeming failure of policies to counter poverty and

in Workers and revolution in Serbia
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Alister Wedderburn

corollary. I use this theoretical ‘parasitic’ subject in order to illuminate my three concrete case studies. These interrogate humour’s role in the political practice of three distinct groups: detainees in French concentration camps during the Second World War; people living with HIV/AIDS in the early years of the pandemic; and participants in the so-called ‘global justice movement’ around the turn of the millennium. All three are intimately concerned with issues of global reach and import, and all use humour ‘parasitically’, as a way of negotiating or contesting social

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
Dana M. Williams

; and also argued 150 PART II: THEORETICAL INTERPRETATION by Olofsson 1988; Tucker 1991), thereby suggesting the inaccuracy of the word “new” in the theory’s name. Owing to the far-too-common academic practice of placing “new” before an established phenomenon, NSM theories have been sorely misunderstood and misused. For example, Day (2005) referred to the recent anarchistic tendencies within the global justice movement as the “newest new social movements.” His application of a NSM framework to global justice movements is appropriate, but compounds the problems

in Black flags and social movements
Marc James Léger

experience in the global justice movement and its elaboration of new forms of democratic process based on assemblies and spokescouncils that carry out collective projects. He considers such anarchist organising ‘the first major leftist antibureaucratic movement,’ and proposes that the Arab Spring, indignados and Occupy Wall Street are the best examples of the May 68 slogan ‘ l’imagination au pouvoir ’ come to life. 46 The point of movements from below, according to Graeber, is that they have understood the Situationist lesson of lowering one

in Vanguardia