established globalorder has been greatly exaggerated, then you will doubt that
those changes are likely to pose any existential challenge to the humanitarian international, be
it in terms of the efficacy of what relief groups do in the field or in terms of the political
and moral legitimacy they can aspire to enjoy.
But if, on the contrary, you believe that we are living in the last days of a doomed system
– established in the aftermath of World War II and dominated by the US – then the
humanitarian international is no more likely to survive (or to put
With the rise of new powers and the decline of seemingly unchallenged US dominance, a conventional wisdom is gaining ground in contemporary discourse about world politics that a new multipolar order is taking shape. Yet ‘multipolarity’ – an order with multiple centres of power – is variously used as a description of the current distribution of power, of the likely shape of a future global order, or even as a prescription for how power ‘should’ be distributed in the international system. This book explores how the concept of a multipolar order is being used for different purposes in different national contexts. From rising powers to established powers, contemporary policy debates are analysed by a set of leading scholars in order to provide an in-depth insight into the use and abuse of a widely used but rarely explored concept.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
War. US hegemony was almost
incontestable. The US of course still faced certain political challenges, but the concepts
guiding international relations at this time, authored by the US, were dominant. We would hear
about ‘reaching out’ and, later, Obama’s formulation ‘leading from
behind’, but always leading.
Returning to the main change we see today… of course, there are forces that have been
working for a long time… Trump arrives and says: ‘No, I don’t want a globalorder. I prefer global disorder.’ I am referring here only to what is manifest
of liberal order, pointing to the humanitarian hypocrisy of the US. But as they vie
for leadership of the multilateral system, they also attempt to resignify it, demonstrating
almost no concern for liberal ideals themselves.
Liberalism might yet be recovered as the basis for globalorder. But it is unlikely that
liberal institutions undermined in recent years can recover their legitimacy; and it is unclear
what will emerge in their stead. ‘The crisis’, Gramsci noted, referring to the
detachment of the masses from traditional ideologies and
Lewis Hine’s Photographs of Refugees for the American Red Cross, 1918–20
Sonya de Laat
citizenry of photography. From June 1918 to April 1919, the American photographer Lewis Wickes Hine made photographs of refugees and other European civilians affected by World War I while working overseas for the American Red Cross (ARC). Refugees emerged as a new humanitarian subject in direct result of the changing globalorder that came with World War I. Hine’s photographs and the ARC’s use of them, both shaped and restricted public imagination with regard to refugees, and international spectators’ responses to them. Here, I explore Hine’s refugee photographs and more
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond and Catia Gregoratti
beyond borders. Yet, UNHCR-endorsed
corporate and celebrity humanitarians are located within immense privilege and
power, as well as being immersed in the colonial, gendered and capitalist logics of
humanitarianism, rather than being wedded to the transformation of the globalorder
and decoloniality ( Bergman Rosamond,
2015 , 2016 ). Directly relevant is
also the contention that humanitarian actors, many of whom are located within a
neoliberal feminist logic
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
by a rhetoric that
was resonant of the political campaigns of decolonisation, it was animated by the
vision of an independent state, of nationalism and the right to self-determination
as a human right. As a political campaign and in its rhetoric, Biafra was in many
respects a revenant of many decolonisation projects.
However, globalorder had of course changed, the political forums in which the
Biafrans tried to formulate these claims have changed. Many of these forums
The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these pioneers of globalisation — the beliefs they each imbibed in their youth, the formative experiences that shaped their ideas and their contributions to the global architecture. Engaging anecdotes and telling personal details, many of which have never been told, enliven each of the stories, as well as the behind-the-scenes dramas that accompanied the creation of institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, UN and World Trade Organization and the informal governance structures that are part of the postwar global architecture. Their legacies are critically examined, both their successes and their disappointments: a global financial system that is fragile and unstable; an international trading system that is unfair; the unintended consequences of largely unregulated transnational capital; and dysfunction that plagues institutions like the European Union and the United Nations. The book ends by examining what implications the flawed architecture may have for the future of globalisation.
crime and the environment, just to name a few.
Part II describes how the private sector, and particularly executives from
transnational corporations, challenged government hegemony over the nature
and governance of globalisation. Armed with the ideas of neoliberals, with
Friedrich Hayek being a major influence, they advocated a new model of globalisation in which markets are central. This was not a return to laissez-faire
policies that had dominated the first wave. Instead, the neoliberal globalorder was
built around the ‘international Rule of Law’, which
As India has risen economically and militarily in recent years, its political clout on the global stage has also seen a commensurate increase. From the peripheries of international affairs, India is now at the centre of major power politics. It is viewed as a major balancer in the Asia-Pacific, a major democracy that can be a major ally of the West in countering China even as India continues to challenge the West on a whole range of issues – non-proliferation, global trade and climate change. Indian foreign policy was driven by a sense of idealism since its independence in 1947. India viewed global norms as important as it kept a leash on the interests of great powers and gave New Delhi “strategic autonomy” to pursue its interests. But as India itself has emerged as a major global power, its foreign policy has moved towards greater “strategic realism.” This book is an overview of Indian foreign policy as it has evolved in recent times. The focus of the book is on the 21st century with historical context provided as appropriate. It will be an introductory book on Indian foreign policy and is not intended to be a detailed examination of any of its particular aspects. It examines India’s relationships with major powers, with its neighbours and other regions, as well as India’s stand on major global issues. The central argument of the book is that with a gradual accretion in its powers, India has become more aggressive in the pursuit of its interests, thereby emerging as an important player in the shaping of the global order in the new millennium.