Search results
Recognition and Global Politics examines the potential and limitations of the discourse of recognition as a strategy for reframing justice and injustice within contemporary world affairs. Drawing on resources from social and political theory and international relations theory, as well as feminist theory, postcolonial studies and social psychology, this ambitious collection explores a range of political struggles, social movements and sites of opposition that have shaped certain practices and informed contentious debates in the language of recognition.
religiously based conflicts among civilizations. It is my hypothesis [wrote Huntington] that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between
1 Narrative identity and the challenge of literary global politics: towards interpretive pluralism Some – if not all – contemporary wars are conducted for a multiplicity of reasons by an increasingly diverse set of actors. One corollary of this may be a reading of a broader spectrum of political violence which is neither exclusively political nor military, but is in part shaped by cultural and social forces captured in narrative. Even if narrative approaches have a long provenance in other disciplines, they have only recently touched the shores of IR. And yet, an
5 India in the global (political) economy Following the analysis of economic development in India in Chapter 4, a discussion of India in the global political economy is important for several reasons. As international and global political economists assert, there is no clear division between the national economy and the international/global economy. Michalet (cited in Tooze, 1997: 213) argues, for example, that ‘ideas of national and international, of domestic and foreign, of exterior and interior, and of frontier limits that used to define the existence of an
8 India’s foreign policy and global politics This chapter argues that India’s foreign policy post-independence was based on idealism as well as realism and the desire to function as an autonomous actor in world politics after centuries of colonial rule. Events proved that states had to deal with diverse issues, some involving the management of bilateral relations and others involving international relations and multilateralism. Moreover, India was a developing state, not a major power, and had to contend with asymmetrical relations with the west, notwithstanding
This book offers a new and critical perspective on the global reconciliation technology by highlighting its contingent and highly political character as an authoritative practice of post-conflict peacebuilding. After retracing the emergence of the reconciliation discourse from South Africa to the global level, the book demonstrates how implementing reconciliation in post-conflict societies is a highly political practice which entails potentially undesirable consequences for the post-conflict societies to which it is deployed. Inquiring into the example of Sierra Leone, the book shows how the reconciliation discourse brings about the marginalization and neutralization of political claims and identities of local populations by producing these societies as being composed of the ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ of past human rights violations which are first and foremost in need of reconciliation and healing.
against Men in Global Politics ( London : Routledge ), pp. 198 – 210 . Christian , M. , Safari , O. , Ramazani , P. , Burnham , G. and Glass , N
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created. Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space, even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals. To the extent that there is something constitutively
. , Drumond , P. , Prügl , P. and Stern , M. (eds), Sexual Violence against Men in Global Politics ( London : Routledge ), pp. 25 – 42 .
to fit the contemporary configuration of the global political economy ( Spatz et al. , 2021 ; Spatz, 2020 ; de Waal, 2015 ). The theory most applies to violent political systems often called ‘fragile states’ ( de Waal, 2015 ), although while the fragile state paradigm describes how these systems fall short of the imagined ideal of the institutionalised Weberian nation state, the PMF describes how these countries are actually