Search results
176 Failed imagination? 6 International organisation, global security and the NWO Introduction In any discussion about how to achieve an NWO the question of how to implement that order has always been paramount. However, it has often been observed that ‘one man’s order is another man’s repression’, in other words, that order is a normative concept. The many different models suggested for achieving it – balance of power, alliance systems, ‘concerts’ and ‘leagues’ – are all underpinned by a dialectic between those who see the aim of the order so created as a
"This book examines the intersection between national and international counter-terrorism policies and civil society in numerous national and regional contexts. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) against the United States led to new waves of scholarship on the proliferation of terrorism and efforts to combat international terrorist groups, organizations, and networks. Civil society organizsations have been accused of serving as ideological grounds for the recruitment of potential terrorists and a channel for terrorist financing. Consequently, states around the world established new ranges of counter-terrorism measures that target the operations of cCivil society organizsations exclusively.
Security practices by states have become a common trend and have assisted in the establishment of a “‘best practices”’ among non-liberal democratic or authoritarian states, and are deeply entrenched in their security infrastructures. In developing or newly democratized states (those still deemed democratically weak or fragile), these exceptional securities measures are used as a cover for repressing opposition groups considered by these states as threats to their national security and political power apparatuses.
This book serves as a critical discussion accounting for the experiences of civil society in the enforcement of global security measures by governments in the America’s, Africa, Asia-Pacific, Central Asia, Europe (Western, Central, and Eastern), and the Middle East.
), Duty of Care: A Review of the Dennis v. Norwegian Refugee Council Ruling and its Implications ( London : EISF ). Mynster Christensen , M. ( 2015 ), ‘ The Underbelly of Global Security: Sierra Leonean Ex-Militias in Iraq ’, African Affairs , 115 : 458 , 23 – 43 . Namubiru
Capitalism ( London and New York : Verso . Original edition , 1999 ). BOND ( 2003 ), Joint statement by members of the International Global Security and Development Network on the Development Assistance Committee (DAC), ‘A Development Co-operations Lens on Terrorism Prevention: Key Entry Points for Action’ ( London : British Overseas NGOs for Development (BOND) ). Braidotti , R. ( 2013 ), The Posthuman ( Cambridge : Polity Press ). Brenner , R. ( 2006
This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.
share of fragile, unstable states and impoverished societies, the continent was once seen almost exclusively as an incubator of instability and insecurity; a venue for addressing rising challenges and an exporter of global security threats. But this is no longer the case. Africa, like everywhere else in the world, is becoming increasingly integrated into a globalized security system, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Globalization, more so than any other factor, has facilitated
September 2001, the President of France, Jacques Chirac, referred to France’s particular aptitude for grasping cultural divergences and forging cohesion despite differences. Throughout all three crises, the French leaders focused on preserving the global security community that was guaranteed by the UN. Conclusion: norms in their own right or as resources for community
describing Iraq in terms of a perpetual and exceptional threat to global security, the German, French and Russian leaders defined it as a problem strictly related to the potential existence of weapons of mass destruction on Iraqi soil. They interpreted the UN resolution as aiming to do nothing more than verify that Iraq did not have and could not develop weapons of mass destruction: a change of regime, for
Contesting identity surrounding a particular nation. In the Swedish case systemic changes in the international system, as well as the global call for military contributions to international peace operations, particularly at the end of Cold War, prompted the revision of Sweden’s role and place in the global security architecture (Bergman Rosamond 2012). Sweden’s armed forces also reformed and internationalised, moving from conscription in 2010 to specialised allvolunteer forces designed for international crisis management missions and rapid deployment. This has led to a
for 17 per cent of global energy use in 2009, a figure set to rise to 22 per cent by 2035 (Krauss 2010). From the global economy to global security and from climate change to human rights, China will play a major role in global governance. China was a largely absent partner in global governance after 1945. The US refusal to recognise the PRC meant that it did not join the United Nations (UN) until 1971. China also stayed outside other major institutions such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT – the predecessor of the WTO), the International Monetary