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4 Guerrilla geography: describing and defending place for a living (or the renaissance of 100–mile geographers) Briony Penn I n 1969, the bicentenary of the geographer and naturalist Alexander von Humboldt slipped by largely unnoticed in North America. Given his contributions to the study of the earth, it was a surprising descent into relative obscurity. A medical researcher writing in to the Journal of the American Medical Association had expressed his dismay that Humboldt was ‘no longer accorded the recognition he enjoyed during his lifetime’ (Frankel, 1964
revolutionary armed struggle and guerrilla methods across the Global South. 1 Third World problems were approached from economic, cultural, technological and scientific angles, conferring a primary role to the figure of the intellectual. Of particular note during the congress was an appeal for direct political action through the arts, referred to as ‘cultural guerrilla’, introduced by the Chilean painter
8 Transnational guerrillas in the ‘shatter zones’ of the Balkans and Eastern Front Franziska Zaugg and Yaacov Falkov with Enrico Acciai, Jason Chandrinos, Olga Manojlović Pintar, Srdjan Milošević and Milovan Pisarri Having been a vast battlefield during the First World War and suffering smouldering conflicts in the postwar era, the Balkans’ newly built countries sought to abstain from further international conflicts. They also built regional alliances to guard both against the return of the German, Austro-Hungarian or Russian empires, whose collapse had allowed
Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.
In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict (1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which permeate the social fabric?
six months by the Guevarista Revolutionary Army guerrilla movement was unconditionally released on 30 January 2001 through the mediation of a third country involved in negotiations between armed Colombian groups and the government. MSF, which had confirmed the abduction of its employee in the media, played an active role encouraging the mediators to intervene and convincing the guerrillas and its allies of the benefit of an unconditional
2002 ( Unidad de Víctimas, 2013 ), despite the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016, displacement persists ( El Tiempo , 2021 ; UARIV, 2021 ). The Colombian government has tried to manage this humanitarian crisis in recent decades. It signed Law 387 in 1997 and, consecutively, Law 1448 in 2011. Under Law 387 the Unified Register of Displaced Population (Registro Único de Población Desplazada, RUPD) was set up and the National System of Integral Attention to People Displaced by Violence (Sistema Nacional de Atención Integral a la
This book investigates the Comité Régional d'Action Viticole (CRAV), a loose affiliation of militant winegrowers in the southern vineyards of the Languedoc. Since 1961, they have fought to protect their livelihood. Using guerrilla style military tactics, the CRAV has surfaced to mobilise the aspirations of Languedocian winegrowers at moments of specific economic and social crisis throughout the twentieth century. They were responsible for sabotage, bombings, hijackings and even the shooting of a policeman. In French history more broadly, 1907 remains a strange moment, with the left supporting a seemingly anti-Jacobin uprising, Socialists, Monarchists and anti-Dreyfusards voting in unison, and the hero of the revolt eventually forsaken by his own movement. 1907 was the founding myth of viti-cultural radicalism in the Languedoc. The 1953 crisis had a transformative effect on the Languedocian wine industry, drawing cooperatives towards increased production despite government inducements to improve quality. After the tumultuous summer of 1961, the CRAV was clearly on its way to becoming a prominent force in the winegrowing Languedoc. The interaction of Oc and vine illustrates the Régional narrative which developed throughout the twentieth century. In the decade after 1976, the compact between winegrowers, local elites and the Socialist party in the Midi slowly disintegrated as a new development strategy supplanted the Défense movement's rebellious appeal. The CRAV's history ends in 1992 with the condemnation of CRAV activists as 'terrorists' by Colonel Weber.
v 4 v Cause, comrades and faith: morale in the guerrilla armies Takis Kapralos had served for less than a month in EDES when he wrote to his family to inform them that he was doing well and adapting quickly. His first impressions of the guerrillas were good; he found them amicable and noted that ‘morale was excellent’, even though ‘the majority of men have no consciousness … by that I mean they do not really know why they fight, you do understand that we have an enormous task ahead of us and currently we try to address the ideological shortcomings of the
Since the early 2000s, global, underground networks of insurrectionary anarchists have carried out thousands of acts of political violence. This book is an exploration of the ideas, strategies, and history of these political actors that engage in a confrontation with the oppressive powers of the state and capital. The vast majority of these attacks have been claimed via online communiqués through anonymous monikers such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI). The emphasis of the insurrectionary, nihilist-infused anarchism is on creating war-like conditions for opposing capitalism, the state, and that which perpetuates structural violence (e.g. racism, poverty, speciesism, gender roles). To connect the various configurations of post-millennial, insurrectionary resistance, the book explores explore three of its most identifiable components, the FAI, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), and emergent networks in Mexico. In his discussion of guerrilla warfare and terrorism, conflict theorist Richard Rubenstein points to a two-stage understanding advocated by Vietnamese leader and military strategist General Vo Nguyen Giap. The book also examines the strategy of Blanquism, the contribution of "classical anarchists," the influence of theorists such as Tiqqun and The Invisible Committee. It seeks to construct the basis for an insurrectionary framework based around a shared politic. The feminist methodology and ethic of research adds a great deal, including a reading of identity politics, standpoint theory, action-orientated research, and embedded, emotive and sincere participatory involvement. The design and methodological intent of the book is to embrace a "militant" form of inquiry which is counter to the project of securitization.