Heresy is a topic that exerts almost universal fascination. This book an invaluable collection of primary sources in translation, aimed at students and academics alike. It provides a wide array of materials on both heresy (Cathars and Waldensians) and the persecution of heresy in medieval France. The book is divided into eight sections, each devoted to a different genre of source material. A large proportion of evidence for heresy in the eleventh and twelfth centuries comes from chronicles, but by the thirteenth century they do not loom quite so large in comparison to other genres. Historians sometimes use the label 'chronicle' as a shorthand term to cover any kind of medieval written account of past events. For those interested in seeing how 'heresy' was constructed rhetorically by orthodoxy, sermons are an invaluable source. The book presents a selection of extracts from two of the most important works of preaching in the thirteenth century, the tales collected by Stephen of Bourbon and those written by Humbert of Romans. It also offers a variety of letters, from a very public letter, widely circulated with the aim of stirring prelates into action against heresy, to administrative letters. In the wake of the Peace of Paris, a series of ecclesiastical councils provided for the prosecution of heresy in Languedoc. There is an abundance of modern scholarship on inquisition records and registers of inquisition trials.
Defining the boundaries of Carolingian Christianity
I N 763-4, A
RENEWED version of the oldest Frankish law-code, Lex
Salica , was issued in the name of the first Carolingian king,
Pippin. A verse prologue celebrated the achievements of ‘the
invincible race of the Franks’, among whose many qualities, it
was claimed, was that they were ‘immune from heresy’. 2 As Pippin’s reign
is beginning to emerge from the
Gottschalk of Orbais and the predestination controversy in the archdiocese
Matthew Bryan Gillis
the face of episcopal opposition and called Christians to repentance after decades of scandal and civil war. His attempts at Christianisation in Francia, however, failed and his doctrine of grace was condemned as heresy at Church councils in Mainz in 848 and then Quierzy in the archdiocese of Rheims in 849. Despite this condemnation, Gottschalk refused to recant and spurned episcopal authority in the process, showing himself to be a Carolingian rarity: an actual heretic in the flesh. He was severely punished and placed in perpetual monastic confinement, where he
The attempted trial of Boniface VIII
The attempted trial of
Boniface VIII for heresy1
Despite strenuous efforts by the French Crown and its allies over a period of
eight years Boniface VIII was not ultimately tried. Legal procedures for a trial
were put in motion in 1303, in an attempt to summon the pope before
a General Council of the Church; and later, after his death in October 1303,
as the accusations continued to grow, there was a protracted quest to persuade the new French pope, Clement V, to condemn Boniface posthumously.
least consider) a temporary
heresy prompted by powerful sorrow at the death of another. In other
cases, the poet suggests a threat to the broader community of mourning
or even a distant community – at times these become something
closer to mock-Catholicism.
This chapter takes its bearings in part from a number of
other scholars who have explored the implications of the Reformation for
This book is about the rise of Christian dualism and its influence in the Byzantine world. Before the seventh century there had been dualist religions like Gnosticism and Manichaeism which contained Christian elements, but they were theosophical movements, based on myths which were not Christian, although they could be interpreted in a Christian sense. The Christian dualism preached by Constantine of Mananalis in the mid-seventh century was truly Christian because it was based on the authority of the New Testament alone. Christian dualism began with Constantine of Mananalis who lived in the reign of Constans II, and the Byzantine Empire ended with the conquest of Constantinople by the Sultan Mehmet II in 1453. The book focuses on two areas of Christian dualism. The first is the Tondrakian movement in Armenia, which appears to be cognate with, but not identical to, Paulicianism. Superficially Bogomilism seemed to have a good deal in common with Paulicianism. The second area which the authors have only dealt with in a limited way is Bosnia, which though on the frontiers of the Byzantine world was not part of it. Tefrice became a refuge for Paulicians who were persecuted in the Byzantine Empire, and Carbeas is said also to have offered attractive terms to non-Paulician Byzantines who would come and settle in this dangerous frontier zone.
the ICRC is really the first human rights organisation
( Hopgood, 2013 : chap. 2). We can point to different
emphases – the law versus medicine, justice and accountability versus crisis and need
– but common to both these strategies for normative action is a commitment to the physical
and mental integrity, the existential moral dignity, of all human beings whoever they are and
whatever they have done. This is distinctively modern, and liberal, and still something of a
heresy in many Western societies let alone beyond. It is only if one shares this
John Wyclif (d. 1384) was among the leading schoolmen of fourteenth-century Europe. He was an outspoken controversialist and critic of the church, and, in his last days at Oxford, the author of the greatest heresy that England had known. This volume offers translations of a representative selection of his Latin writings on theology, the church and the Christian life. It offers a comprehensive view of the life of this charismatic but irascible medieval theologian, and of the development of the most prominent dissenting mind in pre-Reformation England. This collection will be of interest to undergraduate and graduate students of medieval history, historical theology and religious heresy, as well as scholars in the field.
Part V: Letters and Papal Bulls
Introduction to Part V
In this part we present a variety of letters, from a
very public letter, widely circulated with the aim of stirring prelates into action against
heresy (Doc. 21), to administrative letters, sent in the course of dealing with the
practicalities of prosecuting heresy (Docs 25, 26), to a petitionary letter sent by the
townspeople of Carcassonne complaining about an inquisitor (Doc. 27B).
The bulk of material here comes however from papal
bulls – letters and