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Towards supranational governance in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.

Sean Healy
Victoria Russell

at an informal meeting of the EU Justice and Home Affairs Ministers ( HRW, 2017 ). In the view of those running MSF’s operations, this put NGOs in a situation of ‘damned if you do, and damned if you don’t’. Signing and endorsing the code of conduct would be an admission that NGOs needed regulations and control when in fact all SAR NGO operations were already being carried out under the coordination of the Italian maritime authorities. Those

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Wider Europe, weaker Europe?

The first European Union's (EU) enlargement of the twenty-first century coincides with a period of international tension and transition. Tensions have been apparent over: the war in Iraq, the 'War on Terror', immigration, organised crime, ethnic confrontation, human rights, energy resources and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The EU has made genuine progress in developing its security policies since the launch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This book examines the impact that enlargement will have on leadership within the EU, a pre-requisite for policy coherence. It focuses on what has been Europe's most significant region in terms of security challenges and international responses since the end of the Cold War: the Balkan. The book provides an overview of the foreign policy priorities and interests of the new member states (NMS), highlighting areas of match and mismatch with those of the EU fifteen. Counter-terrorism has emerged from the shadows of the EU's Third Pillar, and has been propelled to the forefront of the EU's internal agenda, driven by the demands of the 'War on Terror'. The book discusses the core elements of the EU's emerging common external border management, with a focus on the creation of the EU's new External Borders Agency and the Schengen Borders Code. While the first two are declarative partnership and declarative negativism, the last two reflect the struggle between pragmatism and Soviet-style suspicion of Western bureaucrats.

Abstract only
David Brown

and Home Affairs ( JHA). This approach has two distinct advantages. Firstly, by considering the entirety of the period – from 1992 through to 2007 (the last year with full statistical information available at the time of writing) – rather than simply the post-11 September reaction, a fairer and more accurate picture of EU activity is produced and therefore a more accurate assessment of what the EU contributes can be ascertained. For example, some commentators and officials have tried to argue that, when considering the development of the European Police Office

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Florence Mok

public opinion was neglected and concessions were refused. There were also plans to rally for external support from Labour Parliamentarians in London. 89 Together with some influential figures in multi-storey building groups, such as Lee Wan Yuen, Wong Hoi, Wong Ping Ho and Wong Cham, the Committee used its influence to request an interview with the Secretary of Home Affairs in January 1975, which the

in Covert colonialism
David Brown

); Karen Henderson, Back to Europe: Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union (London: Taylor and Francis, 1999). For details, see Justice and Home Affairs Council, Convention based on Article K.3 of the Treaty on European Union, on the Establishment of a European Police Office on 26 July 1995 (Brussels: 1995). Cyrille Fijnaut cited in Ferruccio Pastore, ‘The European Union and the fight against terrorism’, in Ferruccio Pastore et al., Is there a European Strategy Against Terrorism? (Rome: CeSPI, 2005), p. 9. European Commission, Developing a Comprehensive and

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Bill Jones

body were strengthened and the term ‘European Union’ was introduced. The EU embodied the European Community (tariff and economic matters) as one ‘pillar’; defence and foreign policy as another; and justice and home affairs as the third. Further enlargement In 1995, Finland, Sweden and Austria joined now that the Soviet Union was no longer a controlling influence, so now there were fifteen member states – though Norway refused to join after a referendum. In 2004, another ten nations joined, bringing the total to twenty-five, with two more shortly afterwards to

in British politics today
Mark Webber

Council and the Commission on How Best to Implement the Provisions of the Treaty of Amsterdam on [the] Area of Freedom, Security and Justice’, January 1999, Official Journal of the European Communities , C/19/04 (1999). 104 J. Monar, ‘Justice and Home Affairs in a Wider Europe: The Dynamics of

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Geography and the British electoral system

Representational democracy is at the heart of the UK’s political constitution, and the electoral system is central to achieving it. But is the first-past-the-post system used to elect the UK parliament truly representative? To answer that question requires an understanding of several factors: debates over the nature of representation; the evolution of the current electoral system; how first-past-the-post distorts electoral politics; and how else elections might be conducted. Running through all these debates are issues over the representation not only of people but also of places. The book examines all of these issues and focuses on the effect of geography on the operation of the electoral system.