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Same-sex desire and the rise of Soviet sexopathology in the 1960s
Rustam Alexander

saw him again with them – I would report him to the procuracy … I raised the question of treatment, but he was against it. 3 After carefully listening to Nadezhda’s complaints, Goland instructed her to bring her husband in for an appointment. In short order, Andrei turned up in Goland’s office and his story confirmed Goland’s suspicions: Andrei was a homosexual. After being assured that he could speak frankly without fear of being reported to the police, Andrei opened up completely, relating all his homosexual pursuits. He also confessed that he feared ‘lack

in Regulating homosexuality in Soviet Russia, 1956–91
Christophe Wall-Romana

3 Technology, embodiment, and homosexuality Modernity and technics Over the 1880 to 1920 period, modern life in Western cities became exponentially enmeshed with a host of new technologies: automobiles, express trains, aeroplanes, electrical lighting, electrical conveyances (tramways, elevators, funiculars, moving sidewalks, etc.), telephone, wireless, and of course cinema. There were also less public innovations in industrial production and chemistry, in medicine (X-rays, pharmacology, dentistry, surgery, cosmetics, eyewear), and in destructive technologies of

in Jean Epstein
A different history

Drawing on fresh and previously undiscovered sources, this book fills an important gap. It reveals that from 1956 to 1991 doctors, educators, jurists and police officers discussed the issue of homosexuality. At the heart of their discussions were questions which directly affected the lives of homosexual people in the USSR. Was homosexuality a crime, disease or a normal variant of human sexuality? Should lesbianism be criminalised? Could proper sex education prevent homosexuality? What role did the GULAG and prisons play in spreading homosexuality across the USSR? Far from being abstract questions, these discussions often had practical implications – doctors designed and offered medical treatments for homosexuality in hospitals, while prison workers used these treatments in prisons.

Michael Eberle-Sinatra

Movies speak mainly to the eyes. Though they started talking in words some seventy years ago, what they say to our ears seldom overpowers or even matches the impact of what they show us. This essay proposes to read one more time the issue of homosexuality in Mary Shelley‘s first novel, Frankenstein. In order to offer a new angle on the homosexual component of Victor Frankenstein‘s relationship with his creature when next teaching this most canonical Romantic novel, this essay considers Shelley‘s work alongside four film adaptations: James Whale‘s 1931 Frankenstein, Whale‘s 1935 The Bride of Frankenstein, Richard O’Briens 1975 The Rocky Horror Picture Show, and Kenneth Branagh‘s 1994 Mary Shelley‘s Frankenstein. These films present their audience with original readings of their source material, readings that can be questioned with regards to their lack of truthfulness to the original works themes and characters.

Gothic Studies
Marie Helena Loughlin

ch a pt e r 6 The New ‘Homosexual’ Subculture, 1700–30 The New ‘Homosexual’ Subculture Introduction In 1691, the Societies for the Reformation of Manners were formed to cleanse England of sin and degeneracy. Although the Societies had many targets, including prostitution, swearing, Sabbath-breaking, and general lewdness, they focused on sexual sin, and particularly on male same-sex erotic relationships, practices, and early communities, engineering the entrapment and subsequent prosecution of ‘homosexuals’, especially those who were apparently beginning to meet

in Same-Sex Desire in Early Modern England, 1550–1735
Rustam Alexander

On 27 January 1956 the head of the corrective and labour camps and colonies of the MVD, Sergei Yegorovich Yegorov, signed a new decree featuring an unusual subject. 1 The document drew the attention of GULAG directors to the growing problem of homosexuality in colonies and prisons, which, as Yegorov wrote, was ‘likely to have serious consequences’, if measures to prevent it were not taken: The Central Administration of prison camps and colonies of the MVD USSR has information about increased instances (among both male and female prisoners) of sodomy

in Regulating homosexuality in Soviet Russia, 1956–91
Chris Waters

In Britain in the two decades after the end of the Second World War the social world of the male homosexual achieved a visibility it hitherto had not enjoyed, for the first time becoming the object of social scientific investigation. This chapter is concerned with the various professional practices through which that world was rendered increasingly legible between 1945 and 1968. It will address a series of questions pertaining to a crucial shift in focus that took place in these years, a shift from what many increasingly believed to be a narrow interest

in British queer history

I know that around the world this country has now earned the dreadful title of ‘The Capital of Queerdom’. Noyes Thomas, News of the World , 26 July 1964 In October 1964, in front of millions of television viewers, a softly spoken office manager politely but firmly refuted the suggestion that what he and other homosexual men did was ‘disgusting’. He told Bryan Magee on ITV's current affairs programme This Week

in Odd men out
Rustam Alexander

Those few historians who have attempted to write the history of Soviet sexuality concur that, from the 1930s through to the Soviet collapse, Soviet society and especially the Soviet state were deeply hostile to anything that deviated from ‘traditional’ sex in the bedroom. 1 Sex was generally deemed a topic unfit for public discussion, and any deviations from ‘normal’ sexuality were condemned and criminalised by Soviet law. 2 And yet, despite these long-standing and institutionalised prudish attitudes towards sex and hostility towards homosexuality, during the

in Regulating homosexuality in Soviet Russia, 1956–91
Abstract only
The Metamorphosis of the Queer Monster in Francis Ford Coppola‘s Bram Stokers Dracula
Christopher McGunnigle

Since its release in 1992, Francis Ford Coppola‘s Bram Stoker‘s Dracula has made a deep impression upon the vampire community, or more likely left an infamous hole in it. Critics received Coppolas movie with closed fangs. To Fred Botting, Bram Stokers Dracula is ‘The End of Gothic’, the final metamorphosis of a faltering convention into some strange and alien form that destroys all of Gothics power. Stokers novel brought to greatness a war between the establishment of gender roles, threatened by the overtly (homo)sexual presence of Count Dracula, who turned women into harlots and men into sissies, before Abraham Van Helsing and his Crew of Light end Counts reign of terror to reaffirm their own faltering masculinity. Coppolas version creates a new heterogeneous blend of the corrupted legends of Prince Vlad the Impaler woven together with the literary Dracula within a Harlequin Romance format. The homoerotic undertones of Stokers novel disappear under the overly-exaggerated romantic quest of Coppolas new vampire.

Gothic Studies