This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
, or other crises ( Dandoy and Pérouse de Montclos, 2013 ). It is clear that, regardless of whether humanitarian insecurity has actually statistically increased, security management as a policy issue will continue to play a significant role in the planning and implementation of humanitarianoperations.
The particular aim of this article is to probe how the humanitarian sector is pushing towards new frontiers in security management and to examine the policy fault lines likely to shape humanitarian organisations’ responses moving forward. This analysis draws
limited to operating in countries under Western tutelage, but even those inspired by
anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At
the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power,
working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for
humanitarianoperations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted
their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
staff, who since 2013 have been ‘partnered’ with a Congolese ‘assistant’, a guide relied upon for ‘local’ knowledge.
The ‘relational and interpretive’ labour of local aid workers often remains overlooked, or ‘invisible’, in aid implementation ( Peters, 2020 ). But the everyday processes of brokerage and translation ( Lewis and Mosse, 2006 ; Bierschenk et al. , 2000 ) conducted by local staff are central to understanding humanitarianoperations in conflict. To make sense of these dynamics, I draw upon the literature on intermediaries and brokers: missionaries
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian
Geneva : International Committee
of the Red Cross .
ICRC ( 2008 ),
‘ ICRC Protection Policy: Institutional
Policy ’, International Review of the Red
Cross , 90 : 871 ,
751 – 75 .
InterAction ( 2006 ),
Protection in Practice: A Guidebook for Incorporating Protection
’ (para. 25, emphasis in original).
( 2019 , 11 June), ‘
Peering Beyond the DMZ: Understanding North Korea behind the Headlines ’ [video],
www.cato.org/events/peering-beyond-the-dmz (accessed 31 October 2019).
Cohen , R. ( 2018 ), ‘ Sanctions Hurt but Are Not the Main Impediment to HumanitarianOperations in North Korea ’, Asia Policy , 25 : 3 , 35 – 41 .
Darcy , J. , Stobaugh , H. , Walker , P. and Maxwell , D. ( 2013 ), The Use of Evidence in Humanitarian Decision Making: ACAPS Operational Learning
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
element of that?
Marie-Luce: During the conflict, the Nigerian government was very
anxious to avoid any UN involvement, and the UN did not take initiatives to mediate
or intervene. And I think this is clearly linked with the difficulties faced by the
UN during the Congo crisis as nobody wanted them to mingle in another secessionist
crisis where postcolonial interests were at stake. Actually, this had strong
consequences on the humanitarianoperations, as the UN absence let
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor
‘Independence, diversity and professional
autonomy’: Evidence for negotiated and
This chapter is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. This is done in three ways: first, by examining critical coverage that emerged across specific subject areas; second, by
describing patterns of coverage in particular media outlets; and third, by
presenting time series data. The chapter begins by examining the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarianoperations
The Smith College Relief Unit, Near East Relief and visions of Armenian reconstruction, 1919–21
, Florence Snow, Helen Thayer and Helen Whitman.
5 See A. D. Krikorian and E. L. Taylor’s data compilation and analysis, ‘Ninety-six Years Ago Today’, Armenian News Network , 16 February 2015, www.groong.org/orig/ak-20150216.html (accessed 20 March 2020).
6 B. Little, ‘An Explosion of New Endeavours: Global Humanitarian Responses to Industrialized Warfare in the First World War Era’, First World War Studies 5:1 (2014), 1–16.
7 For example, special issue of First World War Studies 5:1 (2014); D. Rodogno, ‘Non-state Actors’ HumanitarianOperations in the
The fourth chapter focuses on Rwandan refugees in Zaire. Between 1994 and 1996, all international attempts to persuade them to return failed. In October 1996, Rwanda and the movements opposing President Mobutu launched a military offensive in east Zaire and then advanced towards Kinshasa. How were the refugees affected by this offensive? How did they react? A great many of them were repatriated to Rwanda, whereas countless others fled into the interior of Zaire. This chapter examines the humanitarian operations deployed during this period – from the destruction of the refugee camps in October and November 1996 to the final wave of refugees who walked 2,000 km to the border between Zaire and Congo-Brazzaville to escape their pursuers.