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The media and international intervention
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The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

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Philip Hammond

pulled out in March 1994 and all other UN troops had left by March 1995. Operation Restore Hope, the largest operation, deployed over 30,000 US and allied forces, with the declared objective of protecting the delivery of humanitarian aid against looting, and was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of ‘safe havens

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Policymaking and intelligence on Iraq
James P. Pfiffner
and
Mark Phythian

the President and Prime Minister, the roles of Congress and Parliament, the role and limits of intelligence, the management of public opinion, and the ethics of humanitarian military intervention. The case is unusual for such a contemporary event in that much official documentation is publicly available, allowing students to gain a nuanced understanding of both the process of going to war in Iraq and the making and

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Ben Cohen
and
Eve Garrard

precipitate a general humanitarian crisis in the country concerned, likewise had to be respected; or that the sovereignty of a regime that presided over people starving to death through its own misrule had also to be respected. A system of international law that accommodates such things must surely be accounted gravely deficient. To this it may be counter-argued that the threshold under discussion applies only to humanitarian military intervention; the perpetrators of state crimes may still be brought to justice after the event. The point is an important one. Dispensing

in The Norman Geras Reader
Norman Geras

describe as either genocidal or such as to precipitate a general humanitarian crisis in the country concerned, likewise had to be respected; or that the sovereignty of a regime that presided over people starving to death through its own misrule had also to be respected. A system of international law that accommodates such things must surely be accounted gravely deficient. To this it may be counter-argued that the threshold under discussion applies only to humanitarian military intervention; the perpetrators of state crimes may still be brought to justice after the event

in Crimes against humanity
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Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Philip Hammond

1991 and was then criticised for not intervening enough. In Somalia, the US staged an elaborate and highly publicised ‘humanitarianmilitary intervention, justified in terms of a moral obligation to act, and was criticised for not doing enough or for lacking stamina and commitment. In the case of both Bosnia and Rwanda, the criticisms were similar, with the West apparently lagging behind the demands

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Open Access (free)
Universalism and the Jewish question
Robert Fine
and
Philip Spencer

individuals responded to belated top-down attempts to put a check on mass murders – through humanitarian military interventions, the formulation of a Responsibility to Protect, the extension of the concepts of genocide and crimes against humanity in international criminal law, the institution of international criminal courts, etc. – left us wondering how the idea of progress could be defended or resurrected from the bottom up. As we moved into the new

in Antisemitism and the left
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Philip Hammond

argument recalled earlier debates about humanitarian military intervention: if the UN was unable or unwilling to act decisively, a ‘coalition of the willing’ was justified in enforcing the will of the ‘international community’. ‘Remember Rwanda or Kosovo, said Bush, when ‘The UN didn’t do its job’ ( Guardian , 17 March). In reporting these comments, the Guardians Nicholas Watt described Bush as

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Naomi Head

Cosmopolitan Future: The Case of Humanitarian Military Intervention’, International Politics, 44:1 ( 2007 ), 79. 33 K. M. Fierke, Changing Games, Changing Strategies: Critical Investigations in Security (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998 ), Chapter 1

in Justifying violence
Brendon J. Cannon
and
Ash Rossiter

first to give Addis Ababa the green light to invade Somalia and then to support its endeavor fully. The US airstrikes in support of Ethiopian boots on the ground against a common enemy in Somalia were further bolstered by Addis Ababa's reported sharing of significant intelligence with their US counterparts. 19 In addition, Washington, stung by its failed humanitarian/military intervention in Somalia (1992–94), much preferred having Ethiopia further its narrow security interests while keeping

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa