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Author: Helen Boak

The Weimar Republic, with it fourteen years of turbulent political, economic, social and cultural change, has attracted significant attention from historians primarily because they are seeking to explain the Nazis' accession to power in 1933. This book explores the opportunities and possibilities that the Weimar Republic offered women and presents a comprehensive survey of women in the economy, politics and society of the Weimar Republic. The Republic was a post-war society, and hence, the book offers an understanding of the significant impact that the First World War had on women and their roles in the Weimar Republic. The book also explores to what extent the Weimar Republic was 'an open space of multiple developmental opportunities' for women and considers the changes in women's roles, status and behavior during the Republic. It discusses women's participation in Weimar politics, as voters, elected representatives, members of political parties and targets of their propaganda, and as political activists outside the parliamentary arena. The book investigates the impact, if any, on women's employment of the two major economic crises of the Republic, the hyperinflation of 1922-23 and the Depression in the early 1930s. It describes the woman's role within the family, primarily as wife and mother, the impact of the changes in family and population policy and attitudes towards female sexuality. The Weimar Republic also witnessed significant changes in women's lives outside the home as they accessed the public realm to pursue a variety of interests.

Abstract only
Helen Boak

’s participation in the world of work during the Weimar Republic to ascertain the opportunities available to women and assess the extent of their economic liberation. It will investigate the impact, if any, on women’s employment of the two major economic crises of the Republic, the hyperinflation of 1922–23 and the Depression in the early 1930s, and of the post-war demobilisation, the stabilisation of the German economy and the rationalisation of German industry from 1924. Attitudes towards female employment fluctuated with the state of the economy and varied with the type of

in Women in the Weimar Republic
Ilan Danjoux

these areas. Amicable relations also degenerated as local autonomy in Palestinian communities succumbed to preferential treatment for Israeli neighbourhoods. As non-citizens, Arabs living in the West Bank and Gaza had no influence over the Israeli democratic process. A major economic downturn in 1985 exacerbated the predicament of Palestinians in the territories, as hyperinflation caused Palestinian

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Open Access (free)
Why might history matter for development policy?
Ravi Kanbur

from that elsewhere in Europe. And progressive taxation, and redistributive policies more generally, gets very different responses in different countries. These examples hint strongly that it is the history of the different societies that explains the difference. But is this just correlation? What is the causal mechanism? Scratching beneath the surface reveals that simple arguments will not suffice. Take the case of German inflation. For the immediate post-war generation in Germany, hyperinflation was a living memory. It is understandable that they would be willing

in History, historians and development policy
Abstract only
Author: Rachael Gilmour

At a time when monolingualist claims for the importance of ‘speaking English’ to the national order continue louder than ever, even as language diversity is increasingly part of contemporary British life, literature becomes a space to consider the terms of linguistic belonging. Bad English examines writers including Tom Leonard, James Kelman, Suhayl Saadi, Raman Mundair, Daljit Nagra, Xiaolu Guo, Leila Aboulela, Brian Chikwava, and Caroline Bergvall, who engage multilingually, experimentally, playfully, and ambivalently with English’s power. Considering their invented vernaculars and mixed idioms, their dramatised scenes of languaging – languages learned or lost, acts of translation, scenes of speaking, the exposure and racialised visibility of accent – it argues for a growing field of contemporary literature in Britain pre-eminently concerned with language’s power dynamics, its aesthetic potentialities, and its prosthetic strangeness. Drawing on insights from applied linguistics and translation studies as well as literary scholarship, Bad English explores contemporary arguments about language in Britain – in debates about citizenship or education, in the media or on Twitter, in Home Office policy and asylum legislation – as well as the ways they are taken up in literature. It uncovers both an antagonistic and a productive interplay between language politics and literary form, tracing writers’ articulation of linguistic alienation and ambivalence, as well as the productivity and making-new of radical language practices. Doing so, it refutes the view that language difference and language politics are somehow irrelevant to contemporary Britain and instead argues for their constitutive centrality to the work of novelists and poets whose inside/outside relationship to English in its institutionalised forms is the generative force of their writing.

Open Access (free)
John Narayan

1920s hyperinflation, the Great Depression, trade protectionism and xenophobic nationalism, seeing the world economy split into autarkic economic blocs (Findlay and O’Rourke 2007).3 However, the evocation of the term ‘de-globalization’ is slightly misleading as it misses the foolish attempt, between 1925 and 1929, of the developed powers such as Great Britain and the United States to restore the world economy through the re-establishment of the gold standard.4 As such, even after the war, and in the midst of some trade protectionism and the project of rebuilding

in John Dewey
Helen Boak

’s value was decimated in the hyperinflation of the early 1920s. 12 As one widow wrote in 1930, ‘the great inflation was the most terrible time for the dependents of the war dead. The state can never redress what we and our children had to suffer through the total devaluation of our pensions.’ 13 An estimated one-third of war widows remarried soon after the war, helped by match-making schemes such as the one in Magdeburg which introduced war widows to disabled soldiers. 14 In 1919 105,749 widows remarried, making up 12.5 per cent of women marrying that year. 15 In

in Women in the Weimar Republic
Susan Strange

airports against the danger of fire damage because otherwise they would face everlarger claims against them, so some are now realising that law suits against some of their most important customers for environmental damage could also be a major problem for the future (Haufler 1997a, b). 2 I am reminded of a tragic-comic story from the German hyperinflation of 1923. My dear friend, the late Willi Guttman, told me about his uncle, a small-time rentier who put his savings into a few Munich apartments. While prices rocketed, rents were fixed. The hyperinflation left him

in Mad Money
Bill Dunn

hyperinflation seem sufficient to make the point. If the Zimbabwean government had been unwilling to create money, to print ever-higher denomination notes, there could hardly have been the extraordinary hyperinflation of the 2000s. It seems unlikely that the demand for extra money was coming from an exuberant private sector. In many countries, the banking system is itself state owned or state controlled. This is the case of many of the world’s largest banks, in China and many other poorer countries. But historically, many rich-country banks have also been state owned. A few

in Keynes and Marx
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

bedevilled with currency and trade problems that fuelled temptations to hyperinflation in some states and to deflation in others, neither of which was domestically or externally conducive to democracy succeeding. In deliberate contrast, the architects of the post-Second World War world believed that creating an international economy that was safe for representative democracy was crucial to the peace. The onset of the Cold War transformed the geo-politics of the Bretton Woods settlement, and the European economic crisis of 1947–48 revealed that the post-war pegged exchange

in Might, right, prosperity and consent