During the final decade of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), young citizens found themselves at the heart of a rigorous programme of socialist patriotic education, yet following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the emphasis of official state rhetoric, textbooks and youth activities changed beyond recognition. For the young generation growing up during this period, ‘normality’ was turned on its head, leaving a sense of insecurity and inner turmoil. Using a combination of archival research, interviews, educational materials and government reports, this book examines the relationship between young people and their two successive states in East(ern) Germany between 1979 and 2002. This time-span straddles the 1989/1990 caesura which often delimits historical studies, and thus enables not only a detailed examination of GDR socialisation, but, crucially, its influence in unified Germany. Exploring the extent to which a young generation's loyalties can be officially regulated in the face of cultural and historical traditions, changing material conditions and shifting social circumstances, the book finds GDR socialisation to be influential to post-unification loyalties through its impact on the personal sphere, rather than through the official sphere of ideological propaganda. This study not only provides insight into the functioning of the GDR state and its longer-term impact, but also advances our broader understanding of the ways in which collective loyalties are formed.
a renewed burst of ideological propaganda in which the pamphlet played a significant role. As one contemporary noted, ‘when a pamphlet goes unanswered, people are persuaded that it is a sign that one agrees with what is contained therein’; or, as another claimed, ‘silence is taken as evidence of the accused party’s guilt and acquiescence’. The need for counter-propaganda was thus paramount. The charge of universal monarchy was answered by reasoned denials and by pointing to the political rather than the religious machinations of France’s enemies: how else could
anticipated around eighteen thousand participants from some 150 countries along with thousands of tourists. Predictably, Soviet authorities used this festival as an instrument of ideological propaganda against the West and most festival attenders came from pro-communist countries. They were to attend concerts, political lectures and exhibitions devoted to the issues of anti-imperialism. In an attempt to prevent foreigners from bringing AIDS on to Soviet soil, a couple of weeks before the festival officials from the Health Ministry ordered staff at Soviet
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
competing demands. On the one hand, there was a top-down requirement imposed by the administration of state and party to introduce ideological propaganda into television programmes, with the aim of forming a socialist population and stabilising the political system with the help of the media. On the other hand, there was a bottom-up requirement to satisfy the audience’s demand for entertainment after a hard day’s work, which was largely incompatible with explicit political education or intellectual propaganda. In response to these contrasting demands, GDR television
reports began to show a much more sober or pessimistic assessment of French influence on Muslim women, and in particular an underlying consensus that Algerians held a highly instrumental attitude to the strategies of ‘contact’. Women, it was noted, turned out en masse to gain material goods or services, but increasingly did not even attempt to disguise their lack of interest or open hostility towards ideological propaganda and the broader political goals of the French project. The EMSI of the Oran region reported in December 1960, ‘the female Muslim population
John Brewer and Gareth I. Higgins, Anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland, 1600–1988: The Mote and the Beam (London: Macmillan, 1998), p. 15. 10 Marianne Elliott, The Catholics of Ulster: A History (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 101–02. 11 Ethan Howard Shagan, ‘Constructing Discord: Ideology
neurons may be imitation rather than action understanding. 89 Further, empathy does not necessarily require the mirror neuron faculty. 90 In some cases, it is assumed that empathy will resolve antisocial actions, despite scientific research suggesting that empathy still exists within a framework of ideology, propaganda, culture, tradition, prejudice and in-group bias. 91 While keeping
Moderates: Ideology, Propaganda, and the Emergence of the Party, 1660–1678 (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 2002), passim. 9 T. Harris, ‘The Legacy of the English Civil War: Rethinking the Revolution’, European Legacy, 5:4 (2000), 505; and M. Knights, Politics and Opinion in Crisis, 1678–81 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 11. See also G. Tapsell, The Personal Rule of Charles II, 1681–85 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007), p. 11. 10 M. Zook, Radical Whigs and Conspiratorial Politics in Late Stuart England (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State
evacuation programs, and hence were inevitably accompanied by ideological propaganda. With the expansion of the Greek government's evacuation program, the DSE also broadened the scope of its own program to include children from areas under the control of the National Army (Brown 2003a , Danforth and Van Boeschoten 2012 , Kitanoski and Doneski 2003 ). The humanitarian aspect of saving children was indicated as the main reason for both evacuation campaigns. There was also the incentive to raise the fighting spirit of the parents, who knew that their