This book explores the experiences of the sick poor between the 1750s and through
the so-called crisis of the Old Poor Law ending in the 1830s. It provides a
comprehensive and colourful overview of the nature, scale and negotiation of
medical welfare. At its core stand the words and lives of the poor themselves,
reconstructed in painstaking detail to show that medical welfare became a
totemic issue for parochial authorities by the 1830s. The book suggests that the
Old Poor Law confronted a rising tide of sickness by the early nineteenth
century. While there are spectacular instances of parsimony and neglect in
response to rising need, in most places and at most times, parish officers seem
to have felt moral obligations to the sick. Indeed, we might construct their
responses as considerate and generous. To some extent this reflected Christian
paternalism but also other factors such as a growing sense that illness, even
illness among the poor, was and should be remediable and a shared territory of
negotiation between paupers, advocates and officials. The result was a canvas of
medical welfare with extraordinary depth. By the 1820s, more of the ill-health
of ordinary people was captured by the poor law and being doctored or sojourning
in an institution became part of pauper and parochial expectation. These trends
are brought to vivid life in the words of the poor and their advocates, such
that the book genuinely offers a re-interpretation of the Old Poor Law from the
David Livingstone's Zambesi expedition marked the beginning of an ongoing series of medical exchanges between the British and Malawians. This book explores these entangled histories by placing medicine in the frameworks of mobilities and networks that extended across Southern Africa and beyond. It argues that mobility was a crucial aspect of intertwined medical cultures that shared a search for therapy in changing conditions. The Malawi mission stations were the first permanent sites in which Western medicine was made available to Africans. Livingstonia's medical practice began in Cape Maclear in 1875, moved to Bandawe in the early 1880s and expanded to Ngoniland and north Lake Malawi. Lacking effective therapies to deal with the high levels of ill health and morbidity that plagued them, Europeans sometimes sought out cures and protection from indigenous African, Asian and American healers, many of whom were women. The lay practice of 'doctoring' African employees with elements of trickery continued into the later colonial period. Medical middles were among the most mobile individuals in colonial Southern Africa, moving as they did between mission, government and private sector employment, and across local and regional boundaries. The Second World War brought about major changes in the types of antimalarials available in the Nyasaland Protectorate and the wider empire, as quinine became a scarcer resource and new synthetic anti-malarials became more available. Western medicine became recognised as one resource among others in a pluralistic medical culture, but African medicine, for Europeans, became mainly an object of ethnographical and anthropological interest.
This book examines the way in which abandonment to the London Foundling Hospital developed, and how it was used as a strategy by parents and parish officials. It also explores how it was mediated into health and survival outcomes for the infants involved. In considering pathways to health, ill-health and death for foundlings, the book engages with developments in childcare, ideas on childhood, motherhood and medicine, and a multitude of debates on charity, welfare, entitlement and patronage. The first half of the book is concerned primarily with the characteristics of the infants at abandonment, and how this affected their survival prospects. It gives significant insights into how abandonment worked as a poverty alleviation strategy in England, the condition of poor infants at birth and what their risk factors in terms of survivorship were. The second half of the book examines the critical nursing period for all foundlings placed with external nurses between 1741 and 1764. Since an infant's risk of death declines over time, this early experience captured much of their most vulnerable time of life. The hospital's records on nursing are enormously rich and detailed, and one of the benefits of this study is that it enables us to compare the foundlings' experiences of nursing, childcare and health with those of non-foundlings.
A Belated but Welcome Theory of Change on Mental Health and
depression worldwide increased by almost 50 per cent, from 172
million to 258 million ( Liu et
al. , 2019 ), making it the leading cause of ill-health and
disability worldwide ( WHO, 2017 ).
Further, contrary to the popular belief that mental disorders such as depression are
a western construct, more than 70 per cent of them occur in low- and middle-income
countries (LMICs) ( Rathod et
al. , 2017 ).
The previous UN Special
’s subsidy to a declining rate of profit. With fewer opportunities for men
in the commodity chains that constitute the emerging global gig economy, so to speak, women are
increasingly unlikely to withdraw from the labour force during their child-rearing years ( Dunaway, 2014 ). As the unequal distribution of chronic
ill-health, under-nutrition and morbidity attest ( WHO,
2017 ), the social costs of this hyper-exploitation have been transferred with deleterious
effects to a contained and largely urban precariat.
Reflecting the parasitism of the
Childcare and health in a local setting
he is hade the smolpx verry latle . . .
Note left with child 5933, Peter Puff
Admitted 10 October 1757
Reclaimed 6 June 1764
So far, the investigation of the London Foundling Hospital archive has
focused predominately on the mortality rates and risks of the infants
and children it cared for. This chapter considers questions of ill-health,
which arguably gives a better impression of the everyday problems
and experiences involved in caring for large numbers of small children.
The health of nurslings was an immediate
refugee populations, in the global north and in megacities such as Mumbai, Shanghai and São Paulo in the global south. Some rates are elevated in some migrants, sometimes only in the second generation, but the findings are equivocal, and migration itself does not seem to be a consistent causal factor for mental illhealth – indeed sometimes quite the reverse.
Can we link biomedical explanations with sociological and anthropological research to understand the ways in which the experiences of poverty, inequality, precarity, gender discrimination, racism, stigma, social
THERE ARE A number of avenues through which the ‘place’ of Indigenous people in Australia can be approached. One fundamental arena of struggle has been over land rights. The approach to rights taken here, however, starts from an account of suffering and sets out to trace the political roots of that suffering. One of the clearest forms of suffering to mark Aboriginal lives in Australia is entrenched and widespread ill-health. Thus, across the Indigenous community, the story is one of premature death, often from diseases associated with
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin, and Steven Thompson
posed the same variety or severity of risks to its workers or generated as large a
number of disabled individuals on a daily basis. No other industry was required
to organise itself to quite the same degree to respond to the lives and fates of
people impaired in its ordinary functions. No other industry left such a legacy
of ill-health, impairment and chronic sickness during the twentieth century.
Former coalfield communities across Britain continue to suffer the legacy of
nineteenth- and twentieth-century coal capitalism and continue to face high
the research. Through this analysis, I argue that the act of ‘swimming
for…’ is a readily intelligible and sincerely intended means of constructing the good
body/self, but that this simultaneously flattens out different forms of suffering and
depoliticises social inequalities and illhealth. Furthermore, the celebration of the
endurance sporting body, and its reward through sponsorship, over-emphasises
Who are you swimming for?
individual accomplishment whilst understating the privilege that facilitates those
status-bearing acts. I argue that these