Abstract only
Crime as urban fabric in São Paulo
Author: Gabriel Feltran

This book tells the story of the ‘world of crime’ in São Paulo. In so doing, it presents a new framework to understand urban conflict in many other contexts. Chapters are based on ethnographic fieldwork started in 1997, when Brazil's elites still hoped to achieve the integration of the country into a modern global order, and of the urban poor into a prosperous nation. Both integration projects placed their hopes in the city of São Paulo. The metropolitan region had grown in population from 2.6 million in 1950, to 12.5 million in 1980. This demographic explosion manifested in the rapid expansion of self-constructed favelas, clandestine subdivisions and working-class neighbourhoods. Besides migration, the central pillars for the occupation of these territories until the 1980s were factory work, the family and Catholic religiosity. These pillars have shifted radically since urbanisation. Schooling, access to services and urban infrastructure, although still precarious, have all grown considerably. Rural to urban migration slowed; there was a dramatic transition in popular religious practices and average fertility plummeted from 7.1 to 1.4 children per woman in just 40 years. Since then, two generations have been born and grown up in an urban world radically different from that in which their parents lived. However, it is the expansion of the ‘world of crime’ – a social universe and form of everyday authority established around global illegal markets that would most radically transform the social dynamics of the city.

São Paulo’s apparatus for homicide management
Gabriel Feltran

22% in the São Paulo metropolitan region in the late 1990s, the informalisation of markets and the high rates of profit in illegal markets have increased violent crime rates. Competition for control of these emerging markets generated an arms race and, effectively, open warfare in the peripheries of the city. ‘A lot of mothers cried’ in the early hours, in hospital waiting rooms, medical-legal institutes and cemeteries. Even today, the generation who lived through this period still bears the psychological scars. Given its centrality in the news, crime became the

in The entangled city
Abstract only
Gabriel Feltran

only one race (that built upon the racialisation of the poor), now defined around the aesthetics of the young people in the peripheries. It doesn’t matter, either, that legal and illegal economies are today interdependent; because it is implausible, thinking beyond the legal versus illegal dichotomy contained in this representation, to believe that formal economic growth should diminish the size of globalised informal and illegal markets. It is not what happens transnationally, and evidently has not occurred in Brazil in recent decades (Telles, 2011). If such

in The entangled city
Abstract only
Gabriel Feltran

. Schooling, access to key services and urban infrastructure, although still precarious, have all grown considerably. However, it is the expansion of the ‘world of crime’ – a social universe and form of everyday authority established around illegal markets like drug trafficking, the trade in stolen vehicles and other types of crime, especially robbery – that has most radically transformed the social dynamics of the peripheries. In this book I tell the story of the emergence and expansion of the ‘world of crime’ – or simply ‘crime’ – in São Paulo and its consequences for

in The entangled city
Abstract only
The 1916 Central Asian uprising in the context of wars and revolutions (1914–1923)
Niccolò Pianciola

scale of analysis shows the importance of other crucial factors in some of the most violent events of the period. Local economic and social conditions, such as the cross-​border opium trade between Przheval’sk district and Xinjiang, can help explain such circumscribed “peak violence”. Notes Research for this chapter was conducted in the framework of the project “Imperial Borderlands and Transnational Illegal Markets: Opium Trade and Migrations between Russia, Inner Asia and Northeast China (1881–​1937)”, funded by the Hong Kong Research Grant Council (project code LU

in The Central Asian Revolt of 1916
James L. Newell

, 2003a: 37). Federico Varese (2011) argues that although mafia groups have been able to open branches in distant territories – for example, ‘the migration to the United States of Italians, some with mafia skills, at the turn of the nineteenth century gave rise to a set of powerful mafia groups known as the “five families” in New York City’ (Varese, 2011: 5) – not all cases of transplantation succeed. For example, after interviewing a number of entrepreneurs involved in legal and illegal markets in China, Varese concluded that, despite the opportunities created by the

in Corruption in contemporary politics
Colin Craig

, as Left-leaning libertarians, back pressure groups and campaigning organisations that aim to change 134 Part II Doing the drug laws? Should we support and work for organisations that aim to ‘treat’ drug users? Clearly, prohibition is a blunt instrument of public policy that creates illegal markets for organised criminals and secretive governmental agencies to exploit. If we accept Liberty’s utilitarian position outlined above in relation to prohibition, then the best reason to prohibit a particular behaviour is because it causes unhappiness and suffering to

in Changing anarchism
Abstract only
Carina Gunnarson

illegal markets in which goods are produced and services are provided have a local basis’.30 Local trading networks are used to connect to the global market flows. The different Italian Mafia groupings are distinguished by their capacity to control a specific geographical territory. Des­ pite the increasing internationalisation of their ­ activities, Mafia groups are still firmly rooted on local ground and depen­ dent on local resources. The power of the Mafia leaders stems from domination of a territory, ‘which they cling to, even if it means going underground’.31

in Cultural warfare and trust
Georg Elwert

. Fourthly, everyday conflicts must be resolved in peaceful procedures, if violence in the form of self-help ‘for the achievement of rights’ is not to flare up again; that means building institutions. The linking up with local concepts of justice and local institutions is unavoidable here if the aim is to lay the foundations for the endogenous development of the rule of law by native powers. These institutions may be both formal and informal, e.g. those organising illegal markets (cf. Zürcher and Koehler’s Chapter 13 in this volume). All this is based on an assumption of

in Potentials of disorder
The boundaries of the ‘world of crime’ in São Paulo
Gabriel Feltran

, especially the PCC. This mechanism, which emulates a court of law, with prosecution and defence witnesses, ‘judges’ and ‘lawyers’, has been widely used in the peripheries of São Paulo.2 Moreover, under the PCC’s command, the rules of ‘traffickers’ and of ‘thieves’ also seem to have been unified. The subordination of different illegal markets under a single criminal command represents a process distinct from what has occurred in other Brazilian cities, including Rio de Janeiro. If in Rio the ‘dangerous connections’ between drug trafficking and other illegalities and crimes

in The entangled city