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Indigenous–European Encounters in Settler Societies
Editor: Lynette Russell

Cross-cultural encounters produce boundaries and frontiers. This book explores the formation, structure, and maintenance of boundaries and frontiers in settler colonies. The southern nations of Australia, New Zealand and South Africa have a common military heritage as all three united to fight for the British Empire during the Boer and First World Wars. The book focuses on the southern latitudes and especially Australia and Australian historiography. Looking at cross-cultural interactions in the settler colonies, the book illuminates the formation of new boundaries and the interaction between settler societies and indigenous groups. It contends that the frontier zone is a hybrid space, a place where both indigene and invader come together on land that each one believes to be their own. The best way to approach the northern Cape frontier zone is via an understanding of the significance of the frontier in South African history. The book explores some ways in which discourses of a natural, prehistoric Aboriginality inform colonial representations of the Australian landscape and its inhabitants, both indigenous and immigrant. The missions of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in Polynesia and Australia are examined to explore the ways in which frontiers between British and antipodean cultures were negotiated in colonial textuality. The role of the Treaty of Waitangi in New Zealand society is possibly the most important and controversial issue facing modern New Zealanders. The book also presents valuable insights into sexual politics, Aboriginal sovereignty, economics of Torres Strait maritime, and nomadism.

17 Immigration, the Celtic Tiger and the economic crisis One of the legacies of the Celtic Tiger period of rapid economic growth has been the transformation of the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) into a multi-ethnic society with a large permanent immigrant population. The 2006 census identified 419,733 non-Irish citizens as living in the country. By 2011, when the next census was taken, this number had risen to 544,357. Ireland’s immigrant population seemed to have increased during the economic crisis. In fact it peaked in 2008 at over 575,000, or 12

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Intellectual responses

of Wihtol de Wenden and Éric Fassin, is that the register of the normative debate about immigration is often out of step with the empirical ‘realities’ on the ground. The first part of this chapter will focus on what I will hereafter refer to as the ‘ideological’ or ‘normative’ debate, which is essentially centred on the question of cultural difference in democratic societies. The second part will discuss the contours of the academic debates which are concerned with collective mobilisation among immigrant populations and their descendants. The third section will

in Identities, discourses and experiences

cities might suggest. The development of colonial urbanism and official and public responses to colonial immigration indicate that the colonial state constructed relations between urban communities, and between metropolitan and immigrant populations, in racial terms that privileged white dominance. These racial stereotypes were reinforced by the French judicial discrimination against

in The French empire between the wars

have stressed the importance of these ‘associational cultures’ over time, but few have demonstrated a case for their representativeness of wider immigrant populations.42 In the highly individualised contexts of late twentieth-century British migration, and of a relatively weak associational culture in Britain, new migrants would more likely seek belonging in family, work, sport and neighbourhood.43 In the oral testimony, reluctance to join loyalty associations, regardless of patriotic or sentimental attachment to Britain, was ubiquitous. ‘Carol’s’ comment in

in Migrants of the British diaspora since the 1960S

Ireland, although at theatres in Liverpool, where there was a large Irish immigrant population, symbolic figures such as Erin and St Patrick could be readily interpreted differently by the various communities in the audience. Similarly, comedy and the inclusion of non-scripted actions, jokes and songs could circumvent both the national and the local censors, offering alternative allegiances. Support for Home Rule seems to have been incorporated by these non-scripted moments in English pantomime, as no evidence in either scripts or reviews has been found to date of any

in Politics, performance and popular culture

In the last decade, Ireland's immigrant population grew to more than one in ten. Now in the midst of an economic crisis, the integration of immigrants has become a topical issue. This book offers a detailed account of how immigrants in Ireland are faring. Drawing extensively on demographic data and research on immigrant lives, immigrant participation in Irish politics and the experiences of immigrants living in deprived communities, it offers a thorough study of the immigrant experience in Ireland today. Chapters and case studies examine the effects of immigration on social cohesion, the role of social policy, the nature and extent of segregation in education, racism and discrimination in the labour market, and barriers faced by immigrants seeking Irish citizenship. The book contributes to the field of integration studies through its focus on the capabilities and abilities needed by immigrants to participate successfully in Irish society. It follows two previous books by the author for Manchester University Press: Racism and Social Change in the Republic of Ireland (2002) and Immigration and Social Change in the Republic of Ireland (2007).

Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

Community engagement and lifelong learning

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

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How London and Birmingham said no to dispersal

areas had very large immigrant populations: the best-known case in educational terms was Grove Primary School in Handsworth, whose 90 per cent intake of immigrant 94 the “desegregation” of english schools children in the late 1960s attracted a great deal of national media attention (see Figure 4).3 It should therefore come as no surprise that there were cries in favour of dispersal in areas like Handsworth or Sparkbrook, both from Conservatives and Labour Party councillors or MPs, as well as, of course, from disgruntled white constituents. What will be explored

in The “desegregation” of English schools