enquiries were underway, ritual, grand spectacle and the creation
of a false omnipotence were judged crucial to the maintenance of
imperialauthority in the short term. As far as civilian officials were
concerned, the process of collecting information about Africa meant that
imperialauthority increasingly rested on real power, rather than
symbolic power. This underpinned the confidence that meant
Royal tours of the 1800s and early 1900s, and since, have created much documentation, perhaps the most obvious record contained in newspapers and magazines, newsreels and then radio and television broadcasts. Tours expressed and promoted royal and imperial authority, though in some instances they revealed resistance against expansionist designs. The royal visitor was the central actor in a tour, but was surrounded by an entourage of other people and a store of paraphernalia that played essential roles. This book examines how presentation is managed when ambassadors are sent in place of the royal personage. Sultan Alauddin of Aceh mounted a royal tour by proxy in which he was embodied - and concealed - in his gifts and in the humbler persons of his placeholders. Prince Alfred Ernest Albert, Duke of Edinburgh, provided a template for later royal tours in three ways. First, he pioneered a new relationship with the Royal Navy as a training institution for British princes. Second, his lengthy visits paved the way for similarly ambitious global tours. Alfred's tours cultivated a range of trusted support staff. Imperial citizenship and even Britishness were embraced by non- English and non- British subjects of the queen. One young prince who was present in Britain at some of the most glittering events was Thakur Sahib Bhagvatsinh, a Rajput who ruled Gondal. The book also discusses Kaiser Wilhelm II's tour, King Sisowath and Emperor Khai Dinh's tour to France, the Portuguese crown prince's tour of Africa, and tours during Smuts's Raj.
it within the wider international politics of the
Second World War. Neither the Vichy nor the Free French imperialauthorities were masters of their own destiny. A truism perhaps –
under Marshal Philippe Pétain, the Vichy regime established in July
1940 governed only part of a defeated country under the gaze of the
fascist powers. Charles de Gaulle’s Free French movement,
fashioned in London in
were essential to ensure that taxes were paid, and a substantial part of
the revenue thus raised was used to maintain those forces.
ultimately on military power and the ability of Empire to mobilize its
metropolitan and colonial armed forces. Most colonies had small, locally
recruited bodies of soldiers and policemen who were lightly armed. In
by indigenous peoples. We are not concerned, then, with whether these
imperial crises are objectively similar – indeed, there were
differences between each of these territories – but with the
significance of their identification with each other on the grounds of a
common ethnic and political sentiment.
For centuries before 1886, in Ireland, North America, the
Caribbean and India, imperialauthorities
This book is a study of the colonial officials who governed British Africa between 1900 and the Second World War. Historians have to date failed to provide a detailed examination of what caused these ‘men on the spot’ to think and act in the ways they did. Drawing on a vast range of hitherto underexplored private papers, this book assesses the scope of their different attitudes and endeavours. It considers the role of background, education, training, British culture, social and intellectual networks across Africa, and personal self-interest in shaping the ways that officials related to Africans and to one another, and their ideas of race, empire, governance, development, and duty. It considers the implications of these officials’ mental landscapes for some of the key theories of empire to have emerged in recent years.
As imperial authority was established, towns and cities grew and spread into
the interior of continents. The morphology of such urban settlements was
embedded in economic, social and racial requirements, in zoning and in the
creation of buildings that would be climatically comfortable. This chapter
particularly examines structures such as town halls and assembly and
parliament buildings, as constitutional developments required them. While
these were the characteristics of what is known as formal empire,
settlements of Europeans pursuing economic objectives also created familiar
buildings in settings of informal empire, for example in the Middle or Far
East. Finally, the chapter examines the wholly new development of hill
stations, designed for the comfort, recreation and health of Europeans.
Generally associated with India, hill stations also appeared in South-East
Asia, the Far East, Australia, Africa and the Caribbean.
referred to as a gateway or a ‘bridgehead’ to South and Southeast Asia. Although there is renewed interest in the connectivity of the frontiers, both Xinjiang and Yunnan have always had strong economic, cultural, political and social links to Central and Southeast Asia respectively. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, British agents in Kashgar and Tengyue were stationed at the periphery of the British Empire. Despite this isolation, their consular districts lay centrally between different British imperialauthorities. Consuls represented the
for their persons and property was threatened by the insecurity of society. Guilt and dread of failure coloured their actions as they went about the inequitable business of capitalism. The rapid spread of disease among people living in extremely close quarters threatened their very health.
Demands for assistance made by this increasingly urbanized population forced a reaction from both the ecclesiastical and secular imperialauthorities. As these two entities were locked in a larger political wrestling match, cities and citizens were often
nature and a tacit recognition of the links between scientific authority
and imperial power. They did not necessarily preclude collaboration with
the imperialauthorities in the collection of specimens. Nor did they
preclude a broader, collective pride in the intellectual achievements of
the Hispanic World. Some creoles, as we have seen, actually crossed the
Atlantic to act at the heart of Spain’s scientific projects