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This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.
composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. We describe carefully the explanatory and descriptive aspects of each of these models, and discuss their normative basis. We also give an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. The second objective of this chapter is to operationalise this framework, so we describe the methodology that was developed in order to implement it.1 Models of
reported positively, particular reinforcement given to the humanitarian rationale for war and heavy reliance on coalition sources. Dramatic battlefield visuals contributed to this supportive framing, along with the visual representation of coalition forces as humanitarian warriors and, albeit rarely, pictures that suggested the presence of WMD. The Pockets of resistance 162 Table 8.1 Principal findings: evidence for the elite-driven, independent and oppositional models TV channels Newspapers News subjects Case study Elite-driven model Independent model
presented as victims of a dogmatic and unjustifiable policy; many citizens lost faith in the EU as the guardian of progress and increasingly viewed the Union as a totalitarian supranational entity and defender of globalisation. They ceased to realise the risks of marginalisation and introversion. They felt it was time for Greece to return to an independent model of governance. These calls were relayed, by foreign correspondents, across the member states of the Eurozone. Taken in conjunction with the ongoing electoral stalemate in Greece, such reports only compounded
hypotheses from across the field of political communication, we aim to overcome these limitations. The framework sets out three models of wartime media performance: the elite-driven model, in which news media coverage is hypothesised to be supportive of government war aims; the independent model, where news media remain balanced towards events and produce negotiated coverage; and the oppositional model whereby news media offer a profound challenge to the legitimacy and conduct of a conflict and generate oppositional coverage. We explain these models further in Chapter 3
law of the land which recognises ‘the continued special status of broadcasting’ (Kuhn, 2007: 116); second, and partly as a consequence, it is regarded by audiences as more authoritative and trustworthy.2 Of course, the concept of ‘due impartiality’ is an ideal. In practice, British television news is generally expected to be ‘balanced’ between different perspectives on events.3 This notion of ‘balance’, as a means of achieving fairness, is associated with what we have labelled ‘negotiated’ reporting and the independent model (see Chapter 3). In the absence of
media now pounce upon any signs of failure or “quagmire” and . . . apply their own evaluative criteria’ (Entman, 2003: 423). But our analysis also shows the return to a more independent and critical news media during the aftermath of the invasion (Nacos, 1990). The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed further in the concluding chapter. Explaining patterns of negotiated and oppositional coverage As outlined in Chapter 3, two explanations are frequently put forward to account for the negotiated coverage associated with the independent model and the
filmmaking that depends on more archetypal, classical Hollywood forms of storytelling. Newman, for instance, locates 21 Grams within independent models predominantly due to its formal complexity, its disruption of ‘causal or temporal relations’ between events or characters, and its complexity in characterisation (Newman, 2006: 92), yet his article also considers its reliance on melodramatic structures (100). King focuses on the film’s position ‘in the industrial landscape’ (80) and on its formal qualities (80), with a balance between alternative narrative structures, and
, Ireland committed to harmonise its police accountability frameworks with those in the North. There was also an international movement towards more independent models of handling police complaints. Numerous other jurisdictions, including England and Wales as well as parts of Australia and Canada, had reformed their complaints mechanisms (Smith, 2004 ). Further, the human rights context required reforms. The European Court of Human Rights ruled that complaints being investigated internally, where the complaint relates to a breach of human rights, is not an effective
records visits from a Mistress Dod, possibly Dod’s second 62 wife, in 1633, and a Jane Dod in 1640. Compared to Daniel Baxter and Thomas Bunning, the surviving traces of John Dod’s relationship to the Isham family offer an example of a much more independent model of ministers acting in part as domestic chaplains. John Dod was able to exercise the freedom in his ministry that Samuel Rogers had longed for because his age and reputation placed him on an even footing with his patrons Sir Richard Knightley and Sir Erasmus Dryden, who could introduce him to the Ishams as a