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This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

which are illustrated by the unending misery of the people of Syria). But it also raises an important question about the international system as a whole. If liberal order has provided the right environment for humanitarian action focused on individual suffering, presumably the ubiquity and longevity of that action suggests it has also fulfilled some sort of function for the international system in reverse. In the section that follows, I argue that the social function of humanitarianism has been as a kind of ideological legitimation of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Rethinking verbatim dramaturgies

Responding to the resurgence of verbatim theatre that emerged in Britain, Australia, the United States and other parts of the world in the early 1990s, this book offers one of the first sustained, critical engagements with contemporary verbatim, documentary and testimonial dramaturgies. Offering a new reading of the history of the documentary and verbatim theatre form, the book relocates verbatim and testimonial theatre away from discourses of the real and representations of reality and instead argues that these dramaturgical approaches are better understood as engagements with forms of truth-telling and witnessing. Examining a range of verbatim and testimonial plays from different parts of the world, the book develops new ways of understanding the performance of testimony and considers how dramaturgical theatre can bear witness to real events and individual and communal injustice through the re-enactment of personal testimony. Through its interrogation of different dramaturgical engagements with acts of witnessing, the book identifies certain forms of testimonial theatre that move beyond psychoanalytical accounts of trauma and reimagine testimony and witnessing as part of a decolonised project that looks beyond event-based trauma, addressing instead the experience of suffering wrought by racism and other forms of social injustice.

Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

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The changing face of Labour oratory
Andrew S. Crines

means of challenging ‘the establishment’. Such refrains would often be given centre stage in their rhetoric thereby justifying socialist thought. For example Bevan’s rhetoric emotively confronted opponents by challenging their intellectual or moral integrity, especially on issues which he passionately believed in. This was evident in his advocacy of a National Health Service (NHS) where he argued ‘not even the apparently enlightened principle of the “greatest good for the greatest number” can excuse indifference to individual suffering. There is no test for progress

in Labour orators from Bevan to Miliband
Silvia Salvatici

remain confined to individual national communities but went beyond their borders. Emotional engagement and range of action were extended to foreign men and women, to distant populations. The sense of responsibility towards individuals suffering in unknown, distant places came into being at the moment when western Europe (including Britain) and North America were becoming the hubs of a global network within which goods, capital and labour circulated. It was this network that charted the new, extended ‘geography of sensibility’. The most significant examples of the

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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Asia-Pacific security legacies and futures
Anthony Burke and Matt McDonald

. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. Julie Gilson’s chapter examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of ‘progressive’ security discourses and practices. While Gilson notes some emancipatory potential in these processes and

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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Geertje Mak

between pathological–anatomical gonadal sex, on the one hand, and the sex of self, on the other, into a new topic for (statistic) scientific research. By using the script and standardized themes of autobiographical stories in general and of male homosexuals in particular, N. O. Body managed to make the damage done to his misunderstood masculine self the central theme of his autobiography. Not the disrupted moral and social order in which everyone was involved, as in Barbin’s text, but his individual suffering was the abuse exposed. The ultimate acknowledgement as a man

in Doubting sex
Liene Ozoliņa

narrative was giving greater meaning to individual suffering. This socially contextualised interpretation of one’s successes and failures in life provided a purpose, or at least a justification for one’s hardships. Attributing suffering to causes outside of the individual was a strategy for maintaining a coherent, positive sense of individuality in the face of a regime that was seen as thwarting individual agency. As Skultans put it, ‘memories of individual suffering derive meaning from their positioning within national history’ (1998: 47). This is not to say that

in Politics of waiting
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Its increase and its value
Keith Dowding

health care, for they are often ignorant of their own illnesses. For many minor ailments this is not true. We are aware when we have a bad knee and are able to discover fairly easily whether a given doctor can help our knee problems. But for many more serious ailments we are ignorant of the progress of recovery or deterioration, Choice: its increase and its value183 ignorant even of whether or not we are suffering. For example, the elderly do not always understand their own needs for health care, nor do individuals suffering from chronic depression. These more

in Power, luck and freedom