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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

which are illustrated by the unending misery of the people of Syria). But it also raises an important question about the international system as a whole. If liberal order has provided the right environment for humanitarian action focused on individual suffering, presumably the ubiquity and longevity of that action suggests it has also fulfilled some sort of function for the international system in reverse. In the section that follows, I argue that the social function of humanitarianism has been as a kind of ideological legitimation of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

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The changing face of Labour oratory

means of challenging ‘the establishment’. Such refrains would often be given centre stage in their rhetoric thereby justifying socialist thought. For example Bevan’s rhetoric emotively confronted opponents by challenging their intellectual or moral integrity, especially on issues which he passionately believed in. This was evident in his advocacy of a National Health Service (NHS) where he argued ‘not even the apparently enlightened principle of the “greatest good for the greatest number” can excuse indifference to individual suffering. There is no test for progress

in Labour orators from Bevan to Miliband
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Asia-Pacific security legacies and futures

. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. Julie Gilson’s chapter examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of ‘progressive’ security discourses and practices. While Gilson notes some emancipatory potential in these processes and

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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between pathological–anatomical gonadal sex, on the one hand, and the sex of self, on the other, into a new topic for (statistic) scientific research. By using the script and standardized themes of autobiographical stories in general and of male homosexuals in particular, N. O. Body managed to make the damage done to his misunderstood masculine self the central theme of his autobiography. Not the disrupted moral and social order in which everyone was involved, as in Barbin’s text, but his individual suffering was the abuse exposed. The ultimate acknowledgement as a man

in Doubting sex

narrative was giving greater meaning to individual suffering. This socially contextualised interpretation of one’s successes and failures in life provided a purpose, or at least a justification for one’s hardships. Attributing suffering to causes outside of the individual was a strategy for maintaining a coherent, positive sense of individuality in the face of a regime that was seen as thwarting individual agency. As Skultans put it, ‘memories of individual suffering derive meaning from their positioning within national history’ (1998: 47). This is not to say that

in Politics of waiting
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Its increase and its value

health care, for they are often ignorant of their own illnesses. For many minor ailments this is not true. We are aware when we have a bad knee and are able to discover fairly easily whether a given doctor can help our knee problems. But for many more serious ailments we are ignorant of the progress of recovery or deterioration, Choice: its increase and its value183 ignorant even of whether or not we are suffering. For example, the elderly do not always understand their own needs for health care, nor do individuals suffering from chronic depression. These more

in Power, luck and freedom
Open Access (free)
A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt

return on capital, there can be no creditor, and as we have shown, in our present system of money creation there must be few creditors and many debtors. Why is it that people have a moral obligation to repay their debts, while banks do not have a moral obligation to extend credit, even when the money they lend is created by them and when the withholding of credit leads to individual suffering, as well as financial, social, and political chaos? How can people be said to have a moral obligation to repay their debts when corporations, multilateral institutions, and

in Debt as Power

which the working classes feature as the racialised other. The figuring of the poor as ‘more like beasts than human beings’ (Law, 1893: 245) is a common analogy, despite the tales of individual suffering that seem to work to the contrary. Harkness and Stead both exhibit awareness of the problem of finding a balance between documentation and analysis, and the divulging of sordid and brutal episodes. For Harkness a reminder that ‘the scum [are no] worse than the rest’ and that while the ‘scum is brutal, the refined is vicious’ (Law, 1893: 14) is enough to justify the

in Margaret Harkness
The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide

interviewing, and instead concentrated on observing rituals involving the earth and discussing them at length with the people of Kompong Tralach, both religious specialists and ordinary villagers.22 In such a context, the limits of the biographical interview become very clear.23 Centred on one person, forcing questions and responses into the mould of concepts of individual suffering, it prevents any collective symbolization and expression of pain.24 Today, the way in which people perceive these remains, which emerge from the ground from time to time, during ploughing or the

in Human remains and mass violence