This book arose out of a friendship between a political philosopher and an
economic sociologist, and their recognition of an urgent political need to
address the extreme inequalities of wealth and power in contemporary
societies. The book provides a new analysis of what generates inequalities
in rights to income, property and public goods in contemporary societies. It
claims to move beyond Marx, both in its analysis of inequality and exploitation,
and in its concept of just distribution. In order to do so, it critiques Marx’s
foundational Labour Theory of Value and its closed-circuit conception of the
economy. It points to the major historical transformations that create
educational and knowledge inequalities, inequalities in rights to public goods
that combine with those to private wealth. In two historical chapters, it argues
that industrial capitalism introduced new forms of coerced labour in the
metropolis alongside a huge expansion of slavery and indentured labour in the
New World, with forms of bonded labour lasting well into the twentieth century.
Only political struggles, rather than any economic logic of capitalism, achieved
less punitive forms of employment. It is argued that these were only steps along
a long road to challenge asymmetries of economic power and to realise just
distribution of the wealth created in society.
Proposal #18: fight economic inequality and introduce a universal basic income
On Wednesday, 20 December 2017, the American House of Representatives voted on a new tax bill, which gave companies a massive permanent tax break and temporary tax breaks to individuals. On the same day, the bill was hailed by Trump in a tweet with the text: “We are delivering HISTORIC TAX RELIEF for the American people.” The tweet was accompanied by a picture of a Christmas present box. When the box opened the text “TAX CUTS for CHRISTMAS” appeared. The American president was
Marco Oberti and Edmond Préteceille
Urban segregation, inequalities
and local welfare: the challenges of
The central argument of this chapter is twofold: the transformation of
social structures and that of welfare-state regimes have to be considered
together; urban inequalities and segregation are crucial in relating these two
processes. The first part discusses the relevance of social class analysis in the
face of the fragmentation produced by changing work relations, the growth
of the service sector, the expansion of the middle classes
modern reality of urban American life; television was the cultural site of exchange for a more-than-Dickensian sociological imagination. 5
The Wire’s exploration of sociological themes is truly exceptional. Indeed, I do not hesitate to say that it has done more to enhance our understandings of the challenges of urban life and urban inequality than any other media event or scholarly publication, including studies by social scientists … The Wire develops morally complex characters on each side of the law, and with its scrupulous exploration of the inner workings of
national Traveller organisations in Ireland, as well as to Traveller policy developments. These organisations include the Irish Traveller Movement, Mincéirs Whiden, the National Traveller Women's Forum, and the Parish of the Travelling People. Alongside a number of these we are members of the European Network against Racism Ireland. Our work is based on two essential premises: (1) Travellers must be involved in the most important decisions that affect their lives, and (2) racism and exclusionary policies of inclusion have been at the root of Traveller inequalities. Pavee
Whereas the previous parts of the monograph focused on the positive functions of anchoring – that is, recovering the feeling of safety and stability – this chapter aims to discuss negative aspects of certain anchors that disadvantage migrants, producing insecurities and reinforcing exclusions. In contrast to the former chapter underlining migrants’ agency, this part concentrates on constraints and inequalities in the processes of anchoring.
Aggravating and dysfunctional anchors producing insecurities
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
element in the explanation of the overall inequalities we have demonstrated in cultural production and consumption in Chapters 3 and 4 . To explore this, we’re going to look at a subset of our interviewees, those who are socially mobile from working-class origins into cultural and creative jobs.
We use three ideas to frame our analysis. First, we’ll extend Chapter 7 ’s discussion of social mobility. Rather than explaining the concept again, we’re going to think about various criticisms of the idea. In doing so, we introduce a second theoretical insight, the idea
Bourdieu's ( 1984 ). I opt for an older and less well-known formulation posited by Blau ( 1974, 1977 ) and developed by McPherson ( 2004 ) and Mark ( 1998, 2003 ). Blau's version has two advantages over Bourdieu's.
First, what social space adds to our discussion is a consideration of social inequalities and divisions, but in Bourdieu's version this is restricted to social class or, more specifically, the distributions of economic and cultural ‘capital’ 1 which Bourdieu believes class to be founded upon, ignoring divisions centred upon race, gender, sexuality
through supporting the cultural interests of her children.
At the end of Chapter 4 we commented that the patterns of inequality in cultural consumption in the adult population start from a young age. We’re going to use this chapter to explore this, and in addition to show how some of the patterns of inequality in cultural production are related to people’s experiences growing up.
Tasha’s support for her children gives them particular advantages. These advantages are especially important if her kids would like to follow their mother into a cultural and creative